| | EAST CAROLINA MANUSCRIPT
COLLECTION |
| ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW #33 |
| William K. Jones |
My first introduction to the Marine Corps occurred while
I was still a student at the University of Kansas. A friend
of mine who was attending the University of Colorado told
me on his Christmas vacation that he had joined a New
Marine Corps program called the "Platoon Leaders Class".
This was in 1936. This program had originally started in
1935. He was one of the first to join. His name was Harry
Frazier. I've lost track of him over the years. At that
time, all of the college undergraduates that joined the
program, which was a prerequisite for the program, west of
the Mississippi were sent to the San Diego recruit depot.
All those east of the Mississippi were sent to Quantico,
Virginia. Upon the completion of two summers consisting of
six weeks of training and graduation the young man was
given a reserve commission as a 2nd lieutenant in the U. S.
Marine Corps Reserves. I applied for this program primarily
because I'd always been interested in the military) having
completed three years in ROTC in high school where I was a
cadet captain. That was Southwest High School in Kansas
City, Missouri. Secondly, I had never been to California,
and this sounded like a good idea and a good way to get to
California.
I applied to the local Marine Corps recruiters down in
the Post Office Building in Kansas City and was told that I
was not eligible because Kansas University had a ROTC
program and the Marine Corps was not interested in taking
any people from such a university because in those days
before the Second World War, the U. S. Army always allowed
the honor graduate of each of their ROTC college units to
accept a regular commission as a 2nd lieutenant in the
Marine Corps. This is be-cause they were not able to offer
regular commissions to these gentlemen because they had
sufficient input of regular officers from West Point.
However, I pointed
out to the Marine Corps that the University of Kansas
was not a land-grant college. Kansas State University is a
land grant college. That's what they were referring to. I
became the first undergraduate to be accepted in this new
PLC program from the University of Kansas. The following
year I took a-long four or five friends of mine and the
following years each of them took along four or five.
Eventually we had as many as twenty or thirty
undergraduates going from the University of Kansas into the
Platoon Leaders Class (PLC). This program is still in
existence in the Marine Corps and is one of our principle
sources of procurement of Marine reserve officers.
I attended the PLC program in the summers of 1936 and
1937. I graduated from the University of Kansas in 1937 and
then I went to finish my second six weeks. In April of 1938
I was commissioned a reserve 2nd lieutenant in the U. S.
Marine Corps. At that time I had a job as a teller in the
First National Bank in Kansas City, be-cause there was no
opening for me in the Marine Corps on active duty at that
time. In 1939, Franklin D. Roosevelt declared a Limited
National Emergency. I received an air mail letter from the
Marine Corps headquarters which was sent to all reserve
Marine officers those days asking if we would be interested
in coming on active duty for six months because of this
declaration. I'm not positive of these figures, but there
were less than 200 reserve officers in the Marine Corps. Of
that number, some 160 of us answered in the affirmative and
reported in to Quantico, Virginia, in September of
1939.
We were supposed to undergo six months of training which
would be roughly the equivalent of what is known to this
day as "The Basic School" where all officers regardless of
whether or not they come from West Point, Annapolis,
universities, the ranks, from the PLC program, or the NROTC
programs, they are all sent to be taught the trade of
Marine officers. The Basic School in those days was in
Philadelphia, where it had been located since shortly after
the First World War. The course was
shortened before we hardly got started to three months,
and eventually it was shortened to six weeks. We just
barely had our uniforms back from the tailors when our
course was completed. We completed our course in November
of '39 and were assigned to the Fleet Marine Forces. Part
of us went to San Diego, and part of us stayed in
Quantico.
In those days the Fleet Marine Force consisted of the
5th Marine Regiment, an infantry regiment, plus one
battalion, the 1st Battalion of the 10th Marines which was
an artillery regiment. In San Diego, there was the 6th
Marine Regiment and the 2nd Battalion of the 10th Marines
which was also an artillery regiment. These were very small
reinforced regiments of two battalions a piece. They were
infantry battalions under strength in today's numbers
because in 1939 the Marine Corps consisted of approximately
17,800 total strength of which less than 1500 were
officers. Those assigned to the FMF made up the bulk of
those 1500. The rest of them were assigned to various
headquarters, duties, supply depots, recruit depots, or
base commands running those two bases. Those were the only
two bases we had.
We spent 1940 training out on the West Coast. We had two
ships, the one on the West Coast and two transports called
APA's today. As I recall the one on the East Coast was
called the NEVILLE. The Chaumont was the Pacific one and a
very old one at that. Our landing craft was the Navy whale
boat which had gunnels which stood a good six to seven feet
off the water. The technique was to roll over the gunnel
into the water with your pack and your rifle and storm the
beaches. Our landing exercises in those days off the
Chaumont were conducted in a very formal style.
We wore what we called field scarfs, in other words,
neck-ties. The officers' uniforms in those days were
breeches, riding breeches with boots or fatigues. We had
the old World War I helmets, the skimmers. We always had to
land in gas masks because of the worry of World War I
lessons. The enlisted men wore the same thing
except that they wore the canvas leggings instead of the
fatigues or the boots. We had the bolt operated 1903
Springfield Rifle which was used in World War I. The post
life was very very small. Everyone from 2nd lieutenant to
general knew every-one else and their families.
On a normal training day we would report early. By
early, I mean around seven-thirty, and shine our leather.
We wore Sam Brown belts. At 8 o'clock we'd fall out in
front of the barracks for morning colors, with our
commands. After morning colors, we would then have a half
hour of close-order drills. Then,. we would carry out the
training schedule of the day which would consist of such
things as map reading, scouting, patrolling, naval law,
field fortifications, defense against the gas attack,
things of this type.
Once a week we would take a ten to fifteen mile hike out
in to the countryside of San Diego from what is still the
recruit depot. Every Friday afternoon we would have a
parade to which the public was invited. After the parade,
the officers and their families and the bachelors and their
dates would retire to the commissioned officer's mess for
what was known as "The Parade Tea". The reason they called
it that is because there always was a table with two of the
wives one at each end, . one serving tea and the other
serving coffee, to give some dignity to the proceedings.
Very few people drank tea or coffee because that was the
start of the week-end. The main activity was in the bar and
it would continue on into the evening in which the
bachelors would usually take their dates out to dinner or
have dinner there at the club which was fine. Every
Saturday night, there was a formal dance and you wore your
uniform suitable to the time of the year. You wore your
semi-dress uniform with ribbons not medals. These were
always very well attended. On Sunday, there was always sort
of a buffet supper that people attended. The social life of
an officer rotated around the commissioned officer's mess
in this very small, close
community. I think that was probably true of all the
services prior to World War II. The same held true for the
non-commissioned officers. They had their own club which
was every bit as nice, and they had the same general
routine. After the parades on Fridays, they would all
adjourn with their ladies to their club and they would have
their dance on Saturday night and so forth. The enlisted
men, the non-rated men, had their own club of course, but
normally their social life rotated out in the town of San
Diego.
From time to time - maybe four times a year, certainly
on the Marine Corps birthday on November 10th, and usually
around Christmas time or New Years, and usually in the
spring - the command would schedule dances for the enlisted
men and for them to bring their wives. But, very few were
married in those days. It was against the law. You couldn't
be married for one thing. But, they would bring their
dates, and would have a big dance in the gym or
something.
There was quite a lot of interest in horseback riding. I
never enjoyed it that much. Many times as a lieutenant I
lived in horror of being caught at the club by Commanding
General Barney Vogel of the Fleet Marine Force. He was a
brigadier general and he loved to ride and he also liked to
party and was a lot of fun. But, if you stayed too late
after the dance . . ,.We used to sing a lot of songs in
those days, military songs and popular songs. We would
fantasize that we were harmonizing I presume. He would get
your name and say, "Alright, I'll meet you at the stables
at nine o'clock in the morning and we'll go riding." As a
2nd lieutenant you did not dare not show up, although as a
Roman Catholic I always had to go to early mass because of
that. With a hangover and getting up early after we got rid
of our stint with riding over the boondocks at a fast
gallop with the General, we would end up on the beach at La
Jolla Cove with our dates, and recuperate. That was our
normal Sunday or week-end social activity.
That went on until the spring of 1941 when we received
orders. The 6th Marine Regiment was reinforced by a
battalion of anti-aircraft guns, a Base Defense Battallion
as they were called in those days, was formed into the 1st
Marine Pro-visional Brigade. We had orders to sail through
the Canal and to be prepared to take Martinique Island. By
this time the Nazis had overrun Europe and France. Our
government was concerned that the Vichy French would take
over Martinique and let the Germans use it as a submarine
base of the Caribbean and Southern Atlantic. So, we took
our khakis (our tropical uniforms). The bachelors took all
of their uniforms because they had no place to store them.
Only the married men could store their winter uniforms at
home. They just took their tropic uniforms, their whites
and their khakis. The enlisted men simply had their
khakis.
We loaded up and went through the Panama Canal at night
because the mission was very secretive. We had to keep the
men below decks and we had to go through the Canal late at
night.
[What were you on then?)
We were on the old-Chaumont as far as I remember. Maybe,
it was another trans-port, but I'm not sure. We got on the
Atlantic side of the Canal and we had a change of orders.
We weren't told where we were going but it was up
north.
We put into Charleston, South Carolina, to pick up our
winter uniforms. They loaded us with heavy green uniforms.
The officers just wore the regular enlisted green. We had
parkas; winter sleeping bags and winter gear, We winterized
all the motor vehicles. They had to take them off so we had
to stay there a week or 10 days, as I recall.
Unfortunately, at the same time, the 1st Marine Division
which operated out of Quantico in those days, had just
finished their regular maneuvers down in the Caribbean.
They were back into Charleston for a port visit leave for
the fleet. We
had this sleepy little southern city overrun with
sailors and marines. There are some very amusing stories
that happened there. This was my first assignment to Shore
Patrol duty. I was a Marine 2nd lieutenant and the shore
patrol commander was a Navy commander. The
second-in-command was a Navy full lieutenant, two stripes,
and then there was an ensign as well as myself. We were the
two junior officers. We set up the shore patrol in the
Charleston Police Station. They just turned over the
sergeant's desk to the Shore Patrol commander and loaned us
their paddy wagon. There was absolutely nothing to do in
Charleston for a bunch of young men. There was no night
life. Prostitution was outlawed! But they could get
something to drink. Prohibition was over by then. Once an
hour we would go out in a paddy wagon and we'd pick up
these marines and sailors who had passed out on the town
square and we would load them in like cardboard and take
them back to the station house. When they got-sobered up
we'd find out what ship they were off of and then we'd
separate them. We'd take them as a group down to the dock
and get them out on the ship. What we were trying to do was
to keep them out of trouble, not arrest any of them, just
take care of them.
There were some times that they would just sit on the
side of the street and just look at nothing. Somebody put
out the word that we heard this woman frantic-ally
screaming from a second story window. because there was a
line of marines and sailors about a block and a half long.
Someone had said that she was a whore. . . and she wasn't.
She was scared to death! Just before I went off duty an
amusing thing happened, The relief commander was up talking
to my commander about ten minutes to eight. Relief was
supposed to be from about eight in the morning. It was an
eight to eight twenty-four hour watch. A woman came. in.
She was nicely dressed and she was obviously very irrate.
She said, "Who's in charge?"
Of course both of the commanders pointed to each other.
Then they looked up
at the watch and my commander still had the duty. It was
five minutes to eight by then so he said, "Well, I am.
What's the problem madam?" She said, "Well, I live out in
the finest residential district of Charleston." This was in
June as I said, and it was very hot. This was before the
days of air conditioning. She said, "I had my screen door
latched, my screen door and my front door latched, and I
was up-stairs in my bed reading. About ten o' c lock a
Marine came to my door, and he pounded on the door and he
wanted to come in. I wouldn't let him come in. He tore down
the screen door and he came upstairs and he got undressed,
and he got in bed with me. Now, I want a new screen door,
and I want it right now! ! !"
Of course, as this story was unfolding we thought, My
God, we've got a rape case at this last minute, and that
would have probably meant that the four officers, Navy and
Marine that had the watch would have to stay in Charleston
to testify in
a court-martial. We'd have to lose our command and we'd
have to leave the fleet and we were just about ready to die
when she said, "I want a new screen door right now."
My commander said, "Well, how much would it cost? Would
twenty dollars cover it?" And she said, "Oh yes," He
slipped a twenty dollar bill in her hand so fast you'd be
amazed. That took care of the complaint, but the problem
was that the sailors and Marines who had listened to this
thing started coming up and saying, "What's your address
Baby?"
We were trying to keep them quiet so we wouldn't
aggravate her and have her. press charges against us. She
went away happy. That was the end of the incident. That was
my first experience with Shore Patrol duty.
We loaded up and set sail and we went and put into
Newfoundland for about twenty-four hours to let the fleet
take on some fresh water and everything. We went ashore for
just a short time, not much. We were told around that time
that our destination was Iceland. We started being briefed
on Iceland. This was right
after REUBEN JAMES, the destroyer, was sunk, before we
actually got into the war.
We were very concerned because we passed over the
graveyard of the HOOD. The HOOD had been sunk by the pocket
battleship at that time in the North Atlantic. Iceland was
defended by the British. All the men they had up there were
survivors of Dunkirk. Many of them were still bandaged up
and wounded. They were worn out. There was great concern in
our government and the British government that the Germans
would take Iceland as a submarine and air base, That would
then put them
in a position to really strangle the vital lifeline
between this country and Britain in those very dark
hours.
This brigade was sent up there to reinforce the British.
We were under the command of a British major general named
Curtis whom we were very fond of. He'd come out and he'd
play baseball and enter into the Marine baseball games and
things like that. We landed on the beach. There were no
docks in Reykjavik that could handle our heavy gear. We
made a regular assault landing. The British had various
camps set up for us. They were turned over to us. We lived
in what they called a Nissen hut which was the forerunner
of what we later called a Quonset hut. We copied it. Ours
was just more of a sophisticated model. We banked them
three feet high because of the high winds up there and to
help insulate them. We were spread out a battalion in a
camp.
Every Sunday morning a German airplane, a reconnaissance
aircraft, would fly over. We were not allowed to fly our
American Flag because of that. The British would not allow
our anti-aircraft boys to shoot at this plane. They said
the reason for it was that they shot at him once and he got
mad and came down and shot back at them and killed one of
their men. They didn't see any sense in shooting at him.
So, we were not allowed to shoot at him.
We stayed up there a while. For social life we sang
every night at dinner. There was some dating of the
Icelandic girls but our battalion commander, Oliver Prince
Smith ( O.P. Smith), didn't believe that it was wise to let
us bring Ice-
landic girls to camp because of the security problems.
There were a lot of Nazi sympathizers out there. But they
were beautiful women and handsome men. ..very handsome race
of people. Smith later retired as a lieutenant general and
had command as a major general of the 1st Marine Division
at the Chosin Reservoir._ He did such a tremendous job of
bringing his division out. A very fine gentleman! It was
interesting.
We stayed there and then we got word that Pearl Harbor
had been attacked. We heard about it when we were playing
poker. We used to play penny-ante poker many nights in the
officer's hut. Our officers all lived seven men to a
hut.
[Was there anything of a morale problem?]
No, we didn't have a bit of a morale problem. That just
shows you that we
kept the men busy and then we got word after Pearl
Harbor. It was about ten o'clock at night when somebody
came in and said, "The Japanese have bombed Pearl
Harbor."
We rushed over to the radio shack. We were worried about
the Marines on Wake Island. Colonel Smith said at that
time, "Well, we can't save them." He's a very brilliant man
and he explained why. He added, "They'll just have to hold
out as long as they can." Of course he turned out to be
prophetic.
Later on we got word that the Army was going to send
units up to relieve us. This was in the spring of '42,
April, I think. We had to build some camps for them. They
were sending up additional people. We had a project for two
or three months building more of these Nissen huts. I had
charge of one of those for my battalion because I'd been in
the construction trade before I came on active duty. After
I left the bank, I went into construction, the building
industry. Two other college fraternity brothers and I went
in business together. We used the assembly line
approach.
So we built these huts just using a few hammers and
using an aiming circle for a level and we ended up building
sixteen huts a day which was better than the Royal
Engineers could build. They used to come and watch our
method because we could build them so much faster than they
could. That kept the men occupied because we had all of
them in some crew. Each one of them was doing something._.
This helped because then we set up competitions between
battalions as to who built the most huts and between
companies who built the most huts. Then the men themselves
between crews. They'd have maybe one hammer per hut, but
they'd have marines on each side and they'd drive nails and
holler then toss it over the top. A Marine would catch it,
knock nails in there and holler and toss it back over.
That's just how they did it. It kept them busy and taxed
their ingenuity.
The Army then started to arrive. We had to have fires
already built and the huts were heated by one potbellied
stove. They had one potbellied stove. We used to boil our
water on it to wash our clothes in it and keep it warm
during the day-time. At night you'd bank it. We'd take
turns in the morning as to who had to get up in the cold.
We had outside sanitary facilities, and they would use the
old honey buckets like they have in the Far East. Under
contract, the Icelandic men would come in and take the
night soil away. They would build our showers where the hot
springs and the cold springs met. So, you'd have hot and
cold running showers. Of course in the hot water the odor
of sulfur was very heavy. It came from the hot springs.
These were natural springs.
We used to go in Reykjavik on liberty sometimes. The
best meal you could get there was pony steak, and that was
very stringy. They didn't have any beef. Our fair consisted
of fish and some sort of mutten because they had a lot of
sheep there. We had to eat the British fair.
[No American food?]
No.
We belonged to their NAAFI (Navy, Army, Air Force
Institute) which was equivalent to our post-exchange
system. We got our liquor from that. We did have some
post exchange (PX) supplies- American toothbrush and
toothpaste and soaps. Of course it was a very tedious and
tiresome diet. I remember once when I was a mess officer of
hearing a Marine come through the chow line and saying,
"What do
we have tonight?" The cook that was there dishing it out
said, "Well, we have four choices. We have mutten, Iamb,
sheep, or ram. Which would you like?" So the Marine said,
"Well, let's see. I had mutten last night and ram the night
before. I think I'll have sheep tonight."
Well, it was the same damn thing of course all the way
down the line. We'd go over to the British Officer's club
sometimes.
They taught us to play a bunch of their games. They were
great for playing very rough games. In fact, there were
some times when their parties would get so boisterous that
some of the British officers would climb up and drop a
third of a stick of dynamite down the stove pipe which
would catch the hut on fire. This happened on two or three
occasions. They'd all grab the bottles from the bar and go
out and sit in the snow and sing a song and watch it burn
down. This would have been their officer's club. They'd
build another one the next day. They were pretty rough. You
know they had been fighting for sometime and were the
survivors of Dunkirk. Boy, they were glad they were
alive!
We loaded up and I was put in charge as a 2nd lieutenant
to load our transport. What I knew about loading was
nothing. Well, I had to load it going up there too, that's
right. So, I just learned by experience, but it wasn't a
very fine art in those days like it is now. I learned a lot
about it. We loaded up and we came back to the States in
the Spring of '42. About half of us were let off on the
East Coast in New York. They put in there to replenish and
then the rest and all the equipment was taken by train
across country back to San Diego. We were given two weeks
leave to travel out there. When we got out to San Diego,
the boys who had selected to have their leave on the West
Coast, both officers and enlisted men, then took their
leave on the West Coast.
[I bet it was good to get that first American meal?]
Oh, it was outstanding! Of course, we were bachelors and
four of us traveled cross-country and had the time of our
lives. Some of us got married on the way out. We rejoined
and had a great reunion in San Diego.
In December of '41 I made first lieutenant and in May of
'42 I made captain. [December of '41 first lieutenant and
May of '42 Captain?i?]
Yes, that's right. We were cadre and they were forming
new regiments like mad. Each battalion had to send one
platoon to another regiment. Each company had to send one
platoon to another regiment. My platoon stayed in the 1st
battalion 6th Marines. That's the battalion I joined in
1939. I commanded it the last two years of W. W. II and I
left it in August of 1945. So, I was in that one battalion
from 2nd lieutenant to lieutenant colonel six years. The
remainder of my resume will be dealing with my activities
in that one battalion.
William K. Jones
July 14, 1976
Interview #2
I was in the 1st Battalion, 6th Marines which in Marine
Corps jargon means the 1st Battalion of the 6th Regiment of
Marines. I was assigned to the newly formed 2nd Marine
Division which was formed out on the West Coast at Camp
Elliott which is just outside the city of San Diego. We
trained there in that training area which is no longer in
the service. It was used for years during the 2nd World
War. This was prior to the time that the Marine Corps had
acquired Camp Pendleton at the Santa Margarita Ranch,
California.
We trained at Camp Elliott and also had forced marches
up to Del Mar. We were billeted in the race track there.
Bing Crosby turned over the use of the track. The stalls
were all cleaned out and the men were billeted in the
stalls. They were, of course, full of high spirits. There
were three or four of them to a stall. They would whinny
and call themselves the "Man of War" and what have you. The
officers all slept on canvas bunks up in the jockey club.
We then would go down each day to train in rubber boats on
the beaches of Del Mar and then we marched back. Each
battalion did that in the 2nd Division which was composed
of the 6th Marines and the 8th Marine Regiment which was in
Samoa when the Second War started. The 2nd Marine Regiment
was
formed up in California and sent out attached to the 1st
Marine Division which was formed at Quantico, Virginia
under General Vandegrift who led them into Guadalcanal,
which was the first American ground offensive of the Second
War after Pearl Harbor. The 8th Marines then were sent
after
they had been brought up to strength and equipped from
Samoa to join the 1st Marine Division on Guadalcanal. Each
of these regiments had their supporting battalion of
artillery which in the 2nd Division was the 10th Marines as
did the 6th Marines which we were forming up.
While we were forming to go to Guadalcanal ourselves,
was the time that I mentioned in our first interview that
we had to send certain cadres from each company and from
each battalion to form the 9th Marines and the 3rd Marines
which were being formed into the 3rd Marine Division under
the command of General Lem Shepherd. He was not a general
then. He formed the 9th Marines or 9th Regiment and the 3rd
Marine Division. I don't know who had it at that time.
We departed from San Diego. Once again I was assigned
the job of loading the battalion. I had to load the
battalion as a 2nd Lieutenant out of Iceland. That was
interesting. Then by the time we left for Guadalcanal, I
was a captain. I had to load it then, although I pro-tested
that 2nd lieutenants were supposed to have the job. Then
when we got to Guadalcanal, I made major and I had to load
it again as a major. I thought I'd be loading ships until I
was a general officer, but I finally got out of it after
being a major. But, in those days while everyone was
promoted so quickly, there was a certain amount of
hesitancy about letting people learn by making mistakes.
Time didn't allow for people to learn by making
mistakes.
We departed for New Zealand, as I recall, in the fall of
1943. We went over all in one ship . . . the Matsonian ship
the Luralie. The whole 6th Regiment reinforced went aboard
the ship which was still completely manned by their
civilian crews although there were mess
lines "chowlines" for the enlisted men. The officers ate
in the dining rooms. They had the same very elaborate menus
that you could choose your meals. The officers slept in the
cabins although they had put in tiered bunks so we'd sleep
six and eight officers in a stateroom. We still had
stateroom stewards. I remember as young officers we were
talking to the steward and asking him how much money he
made, what was his combat pay that the maritime people got
and going into the danger zone like New Zealand which
wasn't attacked of course. It turned out that he was
drawing as much monthly salary as the colonel that
commanded our regiment. That sort of distressed us.
We were not combat loaded. We landed in this big liner
after a very long cruise from San Diego to New Zealand. As
I recall, it took almost a month to get there, because I
don't recall us putting in at any other place. Our
destination and our point of debarkation was Wellington,
New Zealand, which is of course the capital.
We were assigned to some camps that had been vacated by
the New Zealand Army outside of Wellington about ten or
fifteen miles at a place called Paekakariki. There we
trained and got ourselves back into physical condition
after the voyage. We started preparing our vehicles and
supplies for combat loading on the naval vessels to go
on into Guadalcanal. We did our training on a sheep ranch
near by the camp. We spent about a month in shaking down
and repacking and getting ready to go.
We were aboard ship on New Year's Day and made a covered
landing on beaches held by the 1st Marine Division on
Guadalcanal in early January shortly after New Year's. We
were assigned . . . at that time the 2nd Marine Division
Headquarters landed also, and the 8th Marines who had
been there before us and the 2nd Marines who had been
there from the very start with the 1st Division were
brought back under the command of the 2nd Marine Division.
We operated for the first time in the war as the 2nd Marine
Division.
We were assigned a section of beach near the coastline
on the Matanikau River and relieved the 2nd Marines on that
line because they were in very poor physical condition.
They were malarial ridden. They had been in the lines for
so long and they were eaten up with malaria and jaundice,
and we relieved them and they were taken back aboard ship
and moved back to New Zealand for rehabilitation. Shortly
after they were moved back, the 8th Marines were relieved
by us also since we had a full strength regiment of all
fresh men, and they were moved back to New Zealand. The 1st
Division was pulled out of there and was relieved by Army
units that had started to arrive shortly after we did.
I remember our orders were to advance forward and clean
out the rest of the Japanese. We patrolled. We had some
ambushes and some casualties, but on the whole, our
casualties were comparatively light . . . the Japanese were
pretty well defeated by then. They too were malarial ridden
and they were still attempting to send in replacements. We
simply pushed on to clean out the island: In so doing, we
ran into mostly sick Japanese. Some that weren't so sick.
They would set up ambushes. We had a few losses. But on the
whole we didn't have any major counterattack.
I remember a humorous incident when finally we were
relieved
entirely. The Army took over the command of Guadalcanal
under General
Bonesteel. We were the last marines to leave
Guadalcanal. So, when the Army relieved us up in the line,
there had been Japanese planes coming over and they would
sound the air raid alarm although the plane didn't do very
much. It was mainly reconnaissance but our marine fighters
were still there. The Corsairs would go up and chase them
away. The Japanese had one long range field piece up in the
hills that they used to periodically let loose with. When
our army troops came up to relieve us, why we were amazed
with all their equipment. We didn't have the new M-1 like
they had. We still had the old World War I 0-3 Springfield
plus a new gun--a Reising it was called, but it wasn't very
trustworthy. It was a submachine gun. We had been eating
nothing but C-Rations for weeks. Well, the Army came up and
they had their field kitchens. The first thing that we saw
them break out was some chocolate covered donuts. Well,
some marine sounded the air alarm, and of course all these
being "green troops" wanted to know what that was. The
marine said, "You've got to get into the fox hole. There is
an air raid going." Well, they jumped in the fox hole, and
when they got back out, all the donuts were gone of course
and all the hot chow, which made this Army colonel
infuriated naturally. I happened to be standing by my
colonel when he demanded that his noon meal be replaced,
which was done by my colonel just pointing at a big stack
of C-Rations.
We loaded up over the beach. I remember that I had to
climb those cargo nets with a transport pack. Transport
pack is what we call packs which has a lower part on them
in which you can carry your extra shoes and your extra
everything. They had a blanket role over the top. I
was a Captain by this time, and it turned out that I had
become infected with
jaundice. I just barely climbed that cargo net. I didn't
think I could make it to the top I was so weak. I was in
the "sick bay" of
the ship all the way to New Zealand, and then in the
Army Field Hospital there, as were many of us with jaundice
or malaria. In fact, although I had jaundice, I was only
one of two officers in my whole battalion (we're talking in
terms of twenty-five or twenty-eight officers) that didn't
have malaria. Why, I don't know.
(Guadalcanal wasn't the most healthy place for several
reasons.)
There was a lot of what we called "jungle rot" which was
a fungus disease of the skin. Out of the battalion a good
seven or eight hundred men out of nine hundred had malaria
to some degree. A lot of them had to be evacuated back to
the States.
(What were they using in the treatment, primarily
quinine?)
Yes, once you contracted it. The prophylactic we took
was atabrin. It was a very difficult thing to get the men
to take atabrin because there were rumors that went around,
just like there have been in every war, that atabrin would
make you sterile. Other men hoped they got malaria because
they thought maybe that would get them back to "home
and honey" and the States. So, we used to line them up
and pop the pill in their mouth and be darn sure that they
took it. You were supposed to use mosquito netting at night
where you slept. And, you were to wear gloves and use
repellent. We had all these things, and I followed all
these things during the war, and I didn't get malaria
during the war at all. I think if everyone was a little
more cautious, we could have cut down more on it. But you
know how men are tired and so forth up on the lines
there.
That is the only time that I've grown a beard and been
very uncomfortable, but we didn't have enough water to do
such things as wash. We just had enough water to brush our
teeth and to drink. It was extremely difficult to get fresh
water. We all had beards and were dirty. That is probably
why I got jaundice. It was impossible unless you got down
to a river which was a great treat. We would set up our
security and take turns bathing and washing our clothes and
so forth. There were some battles while we were still there
but they were relatively small when compared to Edson at
Bloody Ridge in the beginning.
We got back to New Zealand then and, of course, having
been there for a month before we went over, we had made our
contacts, all of us being bachelors. We had our young
ladies there. When the 8th Marines and the 2nd Marines went
back there, they of course moved in. It was the same old
deal when the enlisted men went ashore. As you know, the
NCO's and the officers in the Marine Corps have a broad red
stripe up their blue trousers whereas the privates have
plain blue trousers. For many, many years it has always
been the deal where the privates would go ashore and the
girls would have asked them about that red stripe, and
they'd say that means that that guy has venereal disease.
That would always make it difficult for the NCO's and the
officers to get a date for awhile.
The 6th Marines won the Fourragere in the First World
War as did the 5th Marines, who fought in France. The 5th
Marines therefore were assigned to the 1st Division, and we
were in the 2nd Division as I mentioned. So, we were the
only regiment that wore the Fourragere on our green
uniform. When we got back we found that the 2nd Marines
and
the 8th Marines had put out the word that Fourragere
meant that we had venereal disease. It took us a little
trouble to get reestablished with the young ladies in the
area. On the whole, we went back to our same camps and we
got a lot of replacements in from the States.
We spent about the next six months in training and
refitting. We were getting our combat efficiency back,
getting our equipment back into shape, and making plans for
the next deal which was to be Tarawa. During this time, I
had been promoted to major, and I was number two in command
of the battalion . . . the executive officer of the 1st
Battalion of 6th Marines.
We were then planning for Tarawa. Our commanding general
by then was Major General Julian Smith, and our chief of
staff was Colonel "Red Mike" Edson. Our assistant division
commander was General Dutch Hermley. My regimental
commander was Colonel Maurice Holmes who won the Navy Cross
fighting the bandits at Nicaragua.
Our regiment was assigned to go in as the division
reserve into Tarawa. The 2nd Marine Division was the only
division involved at Tarawa. The plan was for the 2nd
Regiment and the 8th Regiment to land abreast, each with
two battalions and one reserve battalion holding the 6th
Marines in reserve to be committed depending upon what the
battle situation called for. We had a rehearsal in New
Zealand at a beach which was in no way similar to Tarawa.
But this was done to get our loading and unloading
rehearsed and as part of the cover plan for the operation.
We thought we were going to put back in to Wellington. We
all had our social plans made with the girls to do so, but
we never got off ship again. Right after the rehearsal, we
kept going until we got to Tarawa,
because there was a lot of spying from the Japanese
through their sources of information.
(What kind of landing craft were you using?)
In all the regiments in those days the First Battalions
were designated as the rubber boats battalions, so I was in
a transport that was somewhat smaller than the normal ones.
I had taken over command of the battalion., My battalion
commander, Lt. Col. John Easley, much to his distress, was
selected to go to the big island of Hawaii and to prepare
the camp for the division to return to after Tarawa. We
were not to go back to New Zealand as we were all hoping we
would. So, I
was given command of the battalion as a major and given
another major as executive officer more junior to me. So,
the whole battalion practiced rubber boat landings.
We stayed aboard the ship, and on the way up to Tarawa
put in on some of the islands along there, Noumea for
instance, and moved on in for the landing. We knew nothing
about the LVT which was used for the first time at
Tarawa.
We had observers from all the services spread out
through the division. It turned %out later that they were
already starting to plan the Normandy Invasion. They were
very interested in the naval gunfire and the air
bombardment.
At the same time, my older brother Jim, James L. Jones,
who was junior to me, because he came into the Marine Corps
after I did, had command of the fleet marine force
reconnaissance company at that time. It was later expanded
to a battalion. He landed off of a submarine, the old
Nautalis, on Apamama at the same time we landed on Tarawa.
He also
checked out some of the smaller islands around Tarawa.
They ran into about twenty or thirty Japanese, but they
didn't suffer any casualties.
I won't go into Tarawa, that is well written except as
far as my battalion's part of it is concerned. On D-Plus
One the situation was still pretty hairy, because in
landing there was a pocket of Japanese in between the 8th
Marines and the 2nd Marines. They were right by the Burns
Philip Pier. One battalion of the 2nd Marines under Lt.
Colonel Woody Kyle by D-Plus One had pushed across the air
strip which ran length wise of the island. But that was as
far as they could go, because they were worn out and had
suffered very heavy casualties in getting across there and
in just getting ashore. Colonel Jim Crowe's battalion had
managed to seize the area in between the air field and the
beach where they had landed in the lagoon. They had not
gotten up to the west end of the air field. Then east of
him, there was a pocket of Japanese and then the 2nd
Marines had been pretty well shot-up and fragmented in
their landing and the survivors, about two battalions, had
ended up on what was called "green" beach which ran clear
across that west end of the island. Major Mike Ryan, a
major general now still on active duty, did not have
command of any of the battalions but managed to organize
the survivors and started pushing along the beach. They
went along and wiped out a big battery of coastal guns (two
eight-inch guns) that the Japanese had captured in
Singapore. They were about eight-inch guns, two of them.
They took care of those with the help of naval gunfire. But
it was secure. I was called to the command ship and told to
land on the narrow east end of the island behind the
Japanese in my rubber boats. The two other rubber boat
battalions of 2nd and 8th Marines had
already been committed. I was just going down the cargo
net to go back to my ship to issue the necessary orders
when I was called back because they had just gotten word
that Major Mike Ryan had secured about 100 yards inland on
the west section of the beach. So, they told me to go in
over "green" beach which was fortunate, for when we finally
did see this eastern beach that I had started to go in on
it was heavily mined, and we would have had very heavy
casualties.
As it was, we had to traverse a reef for about a
thousand yards from the beach in the rubber boats. The
technique was that the landing craft, the Higgins boats,
would tow us up to the reef's edge. They would tow about
four rubber boats and then we'd cast off and start
paddling. We started landing at 1800 hours on D-Plus One
day. It was just dusk. I was in my little raft with six
other Marines paddling and it was a very difficult feeling
to describe, because there was my battalion spread out
practically from horizon to horizon. We must have had 150
rubber boats and I had no more control. You know with the
"paddle speed" we just paddled and hoped for the best. We
did have radio communication with each other. But that was
all the control I had.
(Were you under very much fire at that time?)
No, we didn't get any fire whatsoever. Thanks to Major
Ryan securing that part of the beach. It was dark by the
time that we got ashore. The only casualties we had were my
two supply LVT's that had the resupply of ammunition and
medical gear and so forth. They tried to come in over the
reef and one of them made it okay, but another one hit a
mine and was turned completely over and only one man lived
out of that. He had his legs broken. We got him ashore and
put him in the
other LVT which had gotten ashore because that was the
safest place being armored-plated.
We got organized and had orders to jump off in the
morning and attack that area up toward Kyle, who had gone
across the island to the east of us. Mike Ryan had managed
to get a couple of tanks. He was an old friend of mine, so
he agreed to let me have the tanks if I promised to give
them back to him later on, which I never did. In fact, they
were taken away from me by higher authorities for they
needed them, as there were not that many tanks on the
island. But they were invaluable to have when I jumped off
next morning.
That night, we had an air raid. It was the first real
air raid that I had ever been under. You could hear them
coming down. It was kind of scary. They knew exactly where
we were on that beach, because they bombed right along the
beach. We had very few casualties, some wounded but we
didn't have anyone killed. We were dug into the sand. One
of the bombs hit this LVT that we had put this survivor of
the other LVT in and blew him right out of it. That is all
it did except scare the hell out of him of course. He
allowed as how he didn't want any more of the war, and we
agreed. We sent him out to the ship and then to home after
that one.
We did evacuate our wounded then by rubber raft because
the reef on the other side was still under fire from this
pocket of Japanese that was between me and the 1st
Battalion of 8th Marines commanded by an officer by the.
name of Larry Hayes.
(How did they get those tanks ashore over the
reefs?)
They got them in at high tide in an LCN over the
southern lagoon part of "green" beach. They were light
tanks. They were not what we call the medium tanks which
you might say are similar to our M-48 or M-60. They would
be called a heavy tank back in those days. These were very
light tanks, but they packed a good wallop, and of course,
they were armored. The combination of those two tanks and
flame throwers and demolition is the regular attack against
a fortified position, that they are still teaching down in
the Marine Corps schools today. We've used these in all the
wars . . . even Viet Nam. The technique, the smoke grenade,
then the charge of explosives, then the flame thrower and
we'd start advancing against these pill boxes. We met very
stiff resistance. As I moved to the east on one side of the
airfield, Larry Hayes moved to the west, exactly opposite,
on the side of the airfield closest to the original landing
on the lagoon side. Mike Ryan held his line. I passed
through him, and Hayes attacked towards him. I was
attacking towards Wood Kyle who had First Battalion, 2nd
Marines. It was the most unusual tactics that I ever heard
of. It
was all that could be done to wipe out the Japanese.
About every three yards, there was a pill box or a dugout
made out of bamboo logs covered with sand and concrete. We
just blasted our way up there and had some casualties. I
lost a company commander and a couple of other officers,
some men, but nothing to compare with what the other
battalions had suffered. We were fresh. We passed right on
through Wood Kyle when we got to his battalion and relieved
him.
We then set up, and I had to take two of my companies
and send across the airfield and relieve Jim Crowe who had
the 2nd Battalion of
8th Marines for they had suffered very heavy casualties.
We were three company battalions in those days. I had my
battalion stretched out then with two companies on one side
of the airfield near the lagoon and one company on the side
of the airstrip across from it. I stayed on the weak side
with my headquarters and my mortar platoon. I formed up a
reserve company out of my mortar platoon and my headquarter
cooks and bakers and administrative people because I knew
that I didn't have any reserve at all, since I was ordered
to put all three companies on the line. We covered the
airfield, there weren't any troops on that of course, we
covered it with machine gun fire. We weren't too worried
about that.
That night . . . this is D-Plus Two night . . .on my
side of the airfield, we could hear the Japanese getting up
a banzai attack. We did have a battalion of light artillery
ashore, pack Howitzers we got ashore floating on rubber
rafts and on some of the LVT's. They could be disassembled
and carried on pack mules. This battalion of the 10th
Marines got ashore with Colonel F. Rixey in command of it.
I had him in support. All the other battalions then had
been pulled back and my battalion was holding the front
line. I could hear them starting up the banzais like we
used to hear them in Guadalcanal. I had a destroyer in
direct support and I got him firing to within about five
hundred yards of my front lines. He gave me plenty of
illumination with illuminating shells. I had Colonel
Rixey.
As the attack started building up, the Japs came in and
managed to penetrate the company that I had in front of me.
So, I brought the artillery to within seventy-five yards of
my front lines. Then, I
committed my mortar platoon, my reserve, my mortar
platoon and head-quarters company and they drove the
Japanese out. This was about ten o'clock at night when they
started. We drove them off then. Then, they reformed and
the next time they really came in, they penetrated our
lines, and we got them out of there about two or three
o'clock in the morning. When daylight happened, you could
see by the condition of the bodies where the artillery had
come down seventy-five yards in front of the line. That's
why I use those figures. You could just pace it off and on
out to where the Naval gunfire with heavier caliber shells
had stopped a lot of them. We counted about five hundred. I
lost a hundred and some odd. There were forty souls killed,
and an amount up over a hundred that were wounded. This is
all in the history books. I could look it up, but it isn't
that important for this purpose.
So, the two companies on the other side didn't run into
very much trouble but they probed them a little bit. That
was their last real gasp. The next morning, the 3rd
Battalion 6th Marines, which had not been committed,
landed. They moved up and passed through me on both sides
of the airstrip and had some fighting, but secured the
island by that evening.
There were a lot of suicides among the enemy that they
found.
They landed the 2nd Battalion 6th Marines, which was the
last of the 6th Marines, on the neighboring island which
was given the code name "Helen," along with some artillery.
They were left to clean out the chain. They stayed on
another two or three weeks. That was the one that the book
was written about. What was the name of that book, Strong
Men Armed? I'll check that for you because one of the men
in
that battalion later wrote that book. It was a best
seller. He is still a good writer.
We stayed on Betio then. Of course, the 2nd and the 8th
Marines were pulled off and sent on back to Hawaii. We
stayed on the island and the Seabees came in and repaired
the airstrip. The first carrier air group from the Saratoga
landed with Captain Bill Erwin in command. We stayed on
there for several days. There was not too much to do, just
mopping up. At night, we had our security because the first
night we had several individual efforts by the Japanese to
attack our Seabees--suicide type things. We'd get four or
five Japs as they tried to get close enough in to throw a
grenade and then shoot themselves. There was still a few
casualties, but not all that many.
There were two battalions of 6th Marines that stayed
there. The main effort, of course, was to bury the dead,
because in that tropical climate there was a terrible odor
and very unsanitary. We were busy burying our own dead and
marking their graves as well as the Japanese. There were so
many of them that we had to use the mass grave technique
for them for sanitation purposes alone. The Seabees would
bulldoze
out a big hole; we only captured about ten of their
people and none were Japanese. They were Korean workmen
that were brought there against their will to do the coolie
labor.
These were pretty tough Japs. They were the Japanese
marines, Japanese Special Landing Forces they called them.
They were from Northern Japan. They were big, six foot, the
biggest Japs that I ever saw.
(This early during the war they hadn't dissipated their
troops to that extent.)
No. They were mean.
What was left of the regiment, considering the
casualties sustained and the 2nd Battalion being left
behind to sweep clean the rest of the Tarawa Chain of
atolls, the 1st and the 3rd Battalion and the Regimental
Headquarters were put all on one transport, along with my
brother's reconnaisance company and some of the division
troops. We all sailed back then to the "big island" of
Hawaii.
There were some humorous occurrences as there are always
in warfare. I had befriended the chief engineer aboard my
transport because I found that the best way to punish
marines that insisted on missing the ship or staying over
leave was to turn them over to the ship's engineers who
could clothe them out of the ship's "lucky bag" which is
just discarded clothing that they find laying around here
and there. I wouldn't let them ruin the Marine uniform. The
chief engineer was always happy to have some guys to do
some real hot dirty work down in the boiler room. Well,
that word got around and it was the most effective type of
discipline that I found. It was hot and dirty. All their
buddies would kid them about it, because they didn't
get
away with a thing. Therefore, right during the
counterattack on Betio, this little marine came crawling up
through the sand and he was pulling this gallon tin. It was
a gallon tin of engine room pure alcohol that the chief
engineer had sent in to me as a present figuring that I
needed some liquid courage or something. I didn't worry
about it at that time; but when the fighting was all over,
a couple of nights later
while we were all sitting in this tank trap that we were
using as a headquarters, someone asked me about it. I said,
"Well, break out some of that. You go down and swipe a case
of pineapple juice or whatever you can find from the
division dump and bring it back and we'll have a cocktail
party." And, they did. About that time, I
got a call on my field phone saying that there were some
correspondents that wanted to come up and get a human
interest story. These guys had been in the first wave, and
had taken all the shots and shells along with the Marines
and had gone back to the U. S. S. Maryland which was the
battleship closest in--that is where the admiral was and
our commanding general, to file their stories. Before they
could file them, and we were aboard ship when this happened
the night of D-Day, we had a big air raid and the Maryland
put out to sea. That was my first sight of the naval
anti-aircraft guns firing at one time, and it was
spectacular. They drove off the Japanese attackers, but of
course they had radio silence, and these correspondents
were not allowed to file their stories. So, the next day
some other correspondents got in and beat them to the
punch. These guys were very distressed because of course
they had been scooped and they were looking for just about
anything. One of them happened to be Dick Johnson, who
later was the editor of Sports Illustrated. Anyway, they
came on up and I asked them if they wanted some gin and
grapefruit juice. They said, "Oh God, yes." We didn't have
any ice. We all had some drinks. And, as I said, it was
pure engine room alcohol. They wound up the next day with
terrible hangovers. As a revenge, when I got back to
Hawaii, one day in the mail I got from my mother a clipping
from the Los Angeles Times of a
story one of them had written about how I had been in
this foxhole during this counterattack. The Japanese had
gotten in, while I was talking on the field phone, and I
held them off with my foot until I got my revolver out.
Then, I shot them. It was just the most untrue blood and
guts pure fabrication about what a heroic guy I had been.
This, of course, made me the laughing stock of the division
because other guys got the clipping and stuck it up on
their bulletin board. They all knew that was a lot of
hocky. So, he got his revenge, and after that I never put
out any false contents in offering libation to any news
correspondent.
When we got back to the "big island" of Hawaii we went
up to this tent camp at the Parker Ranch. It was cold and
we had to sleep under blankets. They had a marvelous
training area. As you probably know, the Parker Ranch is
the second largest cattle ranch in the world next to the
King Ranch. It is very high, and the water is spring
mountain water. So, we re-equipped and got our replacements
in. I was given a battlefield promotion to Lt. Colonel
which simply meant that it was only good as long as I was
in the Fleet Marine Force. If I was sent back to the
States, I would revert to major. But at least it let me
keep command of the battalion. We trained there for about
another six months until we set out on our next campaign
which was the Marianas Campaign.
While there, we had rodeos. Of course, they have
Hawaiian cowboys, and they ride broncs and bulldog cattle
and all this. Our Marines from Texas and Arizona would go
into competition with them. We would put on big rodeos.
We also had a lot of excellent live firing, and plenty
of amphibious training, and good weather. We would have
preferred to have gone back to New Zealand because of the
wonderful people there who were so tremendous to the
Americans. Our Marines could walk down the streets and have
middle-aged couples come up and ask them to come up to the
house and have dinner with them, because their sons had
been gone for so long. Then they would just adopt them and
this would be this youngster's home away from home. When he
was on liberty, he would stay there and spend the night.
Sometimes, they had teenage daughters
that they could date. The people were just magnificent
to the marines.
Both for us in Wellington and in Auckland the 9th
Marines of the 3rd Division experienced the same thing. The
New Zealanders couldn't have been nicer to us. A lot of
Marines married New Zealand girls.
After we trained at Hawaii, we set out for Saipan. This
time the 6th Marines was one of the assault regiments. It
was to have the left flank with the 8th Marines on our
right, and the 2nd Marines in reserve. But I was stuck as
the reserve battalion of the 6th Marines again. The landing
at Saipan, although the lesson from Tarawa had been learned
as far as the amount of naval gunfire and air preparation,
they still didn't get everyone out of the thing. It was
very heavily contested. The battalion commander of the 2nd
Battalion which had the very left flank was wounded upon
landing, seriously wounded, and had to be evacuated. He had
many casualties. So, I was landed to pass through the 2nd
Battalion and take up the left flank position of the
division and of the landing. The 2nd Division landed on the
left and the 4th Division landed on the right.
There was a light Japanese tank hiding in some trees
that had been missed by the air and the naval gunfire. So,
as we came in over the reef, my command LVT was packed so
much that no one could really sit down. There was an
ammunition box next to me right by the left gun-wale. I saw
it. We were all stooping over because of the small arm-fire
that was bouncing off the amtrac. So, I sat down. As I did,
I saw this blinding flash, and I looked at my hand and it
was covered with blood. I thought I had been hit. I hadn't
of course, I could still wiggle my fingers. This light tank
shell had gone clean thru the LVT. I looked up and there
was this hole over my head and this shell while going
through the amtrac had blown the head off of the officer
standing next to me, and the officer standing next to him.
We were so tightly packed in there that the bodies couldn't
fall, so it was their blood on me. The shell had set the
ammunition of the fifty caliber machine gun on fire. But we
got to the beach and rolled over the side.
The ones that I lost were fine officers. I lost the
operations officer and the amphibian tractor officer. They
were the two that were killed by the shell. We got ashore.
Because of all the heavy fire, my companies were widely
dispersed.. The amtracs just went wherever they could. So
we had to spend some time getting the battalion
reorganized, getting a hold of them , then moving on off
the beach because the 2nd Battalion hadn't really been able
to get off the beach at all, They were only about ten or
twenty yards inland. So, we moved through them.
By the time night fell, we had a pretty good size
beachhead. We were at least a couple of hundred yards
inland and extended back to the beach. We were tied in with
the 3rd Battalion on our right. So divisions started
landing and getting the reserve regiment, the 2nd Marines,
in. I guess the 2nd Marines didn't get in the first night.
I'm not sure. I knew that we would probably get a banzai
because we usually got that the first night on any landing.
I cautioned everyone to put out the word to their men to
dig in, because they would probably hit us, and they would
throw everything at us including the kitchen sink. Right
around midnight we heard all this commotion out in front of
the lines. Of course we had some flares going and we were
all dug in and ready for them. There was one Jap tank. You
could see it in the dim light that the flares made. These
Japs were all just outside of our range and were chanting
and banzaing and all. About that time, this American voice
rang out along the line . . . they were all very tense, of
course, and the voice rang along a line and said, "Tell
Colonel Jones that the kitchen sink is here." Well, that
caused everyone to relax. Everyone was laughing and then
they started yelling uncomplimentary things about the
emperor of the Japanese. So, they settled down. On the tank
was a bugler and he sounded the charge. As soon as they
charged, we opened up. We found the bugle the next day with
a bullet right up the snoot. Somebody had a lucky shot.
They didn't do anything. We drove them off. They suffered
heavy casualties.
(You didn't have the Navy to bombard them?)
Oh yes. I had Naval gunfire supporting me and artillery
supporting me. We had machine guns as the final protective
lines. They never did penetrate my lines at all. So, the
next night, we pushed on in closer to the foothills. By
this time, the division had gotten some antitank guns
ashore. In those days, the regiments had 37MM antitank
guns. The division had self propelled 75MM. They were just
getting ashore. Then that night, my battalion had the only
Japanese tank attack I know of in the Second War. At least
in the Pacific amphibious war. Of course they had them in
the Philippines and so forth, but I mean against us.
Because we didn't run into them in Okinawa or Iwo Jima, or
Peleliu. Well, you might run into one or two tanks. But,
they had twenty-five tanks. They brought in a night tank
attack accompanied by about five hundred infantry men. We
could see them coming. The naval gunfire was not effective
in this case, and air support was no good at night in those
days. So, they penetrated our lines, and it was a real
fracas for a while there. These marines would stop them
with a bazooka--a 3.75MM anti-tank rocket in those days.
They would do all kinds of things. I had one bazooka team
that knocked out seven tanks alone. But they'd get up and
chase the tanks. They weren't just sitting in their holes.
These marines were hooting and hollering. One marine let
this tank run right over him and then jumped out. He got up
on back of it and pried the hatch open and threw an
explosive satchel charge down and blew it up. Another
marine, a tank went by him and there was this old coconut
log there and he stuck that in the bogie wheel and that
fouled the tracks. It started going around in circles, and
the tank commander made the mistake of opening the
hatch; and this marine jumped up and threw a granade at
him. So, there was just hand to hand fighting against these
tanks. We were able to stop the infantry. They couldn't get
in to support them, because we stopped them with our
artillery and machine gun fire. The tanks, though, had come
on in but the infantry did not come in. Only one tank got
away. We saw it the next day going up the mountain in the
distance. I took it under fire with the naval gunfire.
Whether or not we got it, we were never sure. But, we had
something like twenty-four tanks on the battlefield the
next morning in our lines and all around. I lost seventy
marines. But, if they'd gotten through, they would have
gone right on through to the division headquarters which
was fifty yards in back of me and on to the supplies on the
beach. That was quite a night.
We pushed on the next day. We were the hinge of a
swinging gate movement. In other words, the 4th Division
landed on the right of the 2nd Division, and they were
supposed to sweep across the island and turn and come up
and I forget my direction right now. But, we had to stand
still. That was a very unhealthy place to be.
(You are better off moving than you are to stand
still.)
Oh much better! It is human nature for ourselves as well
as any enemy, if an enemy is moving towards you, the closer
he gets, the more nervous you get. It's human nature as I
say. So, your shots are not as calmly fired. You're hastily
jerking the trigger. There is a more deliberate alignment
of sights if he is moving laterally or moving away from
you. So, I did all the tricks I could do. I always changed
my lines as much as I could within the restrictions that
were placed
upon me. I patrolled very heavily of course, as far as I
could. I
was probed every night by enemy patrols that tried to
get through. But, they didn't.
We were finally relieved by the 8th Marines up around
the town of Garapan. That night, they were counterattacked.
The Japanese broke through them, and my battalion had to go
back in and wipe the enemy out, and close the breach
again.
We had heavy fighting on Saipan. As a result we suffered
much heavier casualties. The whole division did as a matter
of fact. As far as battalion commanders are concerned,
there was only one other infantry battalion commander, and
that was the same Wood Kyle from Tarawa and myself and one
artillery commander not killed or wounded. All other
battalion commanders were either killed or wounded. There
were no regimental commanders killed. Our regimental
executive officer was killed by a sniper. As far as my
officers were concerned, I had out of my twenty-nine
officers assigned to me, twenty-two were either killed or
wounded. About four hundred and ninety of my enlisted men
were killed or wounded. So, the battalion took a real
pasting on Saipan. They were then feeding me new
officers.
(I can see that you had quite a rapid turnover of
officers.)
Very rapid. I remember one company that had the junior
lieutenant in it, and there were seven officers in it. This
guy was just a fresh 2nd lieutenant--Peter Frank Lake who
was later Secretary of State of the state of Texas, and a
successful lawyer down in Texas now. Within four days after
we landed, he was in command of that company.
He was the only officer left in that whole company. But,
then I started getting replacements.
We used the reserve who were 2nd Marines to mop-up the
island, along with the reserve of the 4th Division and the
Army 25th Division which had a lot written about them. The
only thing 1'11 say on that
is that they were on my right flank, and between us and
the 4th Marines.' I clearly recall that every night we
would get an overlay from division showing the location of
all front line units so that you could plan your night
naval gunfire and artillery fire and be sure you didn't
shoot, particularly with the naval gunfire, into one of the
friendly battalions. They would fire right across your
front, parallel to it, with the naval gunfire, which was
the most effective way for them to do it too. Well, one
night, the overlay came out from corps. They would just
consolidate all of them submitted. It showed this Army
division and their front lines. There was nobody facing the
enemy. They had one battalion facing the other battalion
and the 3rd Battalion facing to the rear. They were
completely fouled up, and they were shooting each other.
They were claiming that they were heavily engaged and who
they were engaged with were their own troops. That is when
the corps commander General H. M. Smith relieved the army
division commander Major General Ralph Smith which caused
quite a flack between the Army, the Navy, and the Marine
Corps. We still are getting an argument on it. I do
remember that very clearly. They really were fouled up and
Marine Smith had to pull them out of there.
Their troops, from the battalion on down, were
magnificent. They were good Americans. I had the liason
officer over with me, and he
was a fine West Pointer. He was embarrassed and ashamed
about everything. But, unfortunately the division was a
National Guard Division. All their senior officers
including General Smith were National Guard officers who
were politically rather than professionally qualified. This
is what caused the big furor. They lost a lot of good boys
through that. Of course, it was very sensitive as far as
pride and all that kind. of stuff to the services.
Well, we didn't have very long to refurbish before we
went on
over to Tinian. My brother was there with his amphibious
recon company again and he sent his people ashore on
Tinian. They would swim ashore from submarines. He wouldn't
let them carry any weapons, because he was afraid they
would tip off the Japanese what we were doing. He never
lost a man. He found these two beaches that were very
small. But, the Japanese expected us to come in on the only
one good beach on the island, and that was up on the end of
the island where the little town was. So, they had that
heavily defended. Thanks to his reconnaisance, we landed in
a column of companies on these very narrow beaches. There
were two divisions, the 2nd and 4th Divisions. We were
ashore and spreading out before they even knew we were
there.
(No trouble establishing a beach head at all there?)
No, we didn't lose a man. So, there wasn't too much
heavy fighting on Tinian. It was a pretty demoralizing
detail to the enemy with us coming in from the rear and
everything. They put up a resistance of ' course. Then, we
just cornered them all on one end of the island, and all of
them killed themselves. Stories which you have read about
the
island, the enemy jumping over the cliff, and
frightening natives and so forth are true. As far as
casualties were concerned, there weren't very many.
Towards the last, one night I had my CP security out. I
always stressed that very heavily. There was a group of
Japanese that tried to get into our CP. They bounced off of
us and hit the CP of the 3rd Battalion, 6th Marines, which
had made a mistake (from the way I
e
operate) of sitting up in the treeline which is too
conspicuous, and
too easy for the enemy when they send out a patrol to
use that as a landmark. I always sit out in an open field
where they will have a hard time of pinning me down. The
battalion commander who had been my battalion commander and
dear friend, John Easley, was shot right through the heart.
I held his hand as he died. So, we lost that
battalion commander there. Both the CP command posts
suffered casualties since we went to help them. They had
quite a fire fight but we helped them as much as we could.
So, the only technique that I had developed by this time
was that of the CP security using illuminating grenades and
setting up what we called a flame foogas. We would make
these out of taking a five gallon tin of motor oil or fifty
gallon drum of fuel. For the small one, you attach an
incendiary grenade to the side with a trip wire, or pull
wire. For the larger ones we attached a 81MM white
phosphorus shell with a grenade to set that off and then
either have a trip wire or pull wire. We found that most
any man would rather be shot than stabbed. Arid, a man
would rather be stabbed than burned to death, the Orientals
particularly. So, we found that when they would come in on
us, they would trip one of our foogases that would
silhouette
them so that the machine gunners and riflemen would get
them if the fire didn't. That would alert us and scare
them. I would also always put a flame thrower, which we
used in the Second War extensively, to clean out caves and
pill boxes. I always defensively put them in back of my
machine gun sections because I found that as the machine
gunners would stay on what we called the "final protective
line," that is, where you have your interlaced bans of
fire. But, in the heavy banzai when they are getting close,
and the machine gunner gets nervous, he will go on what you
call a"free gun" and start shooting it like you see in the
movies which is not effective at all. It breaks up your
whole fire plan defensive plan. With the flame throwers
there and their knowing that if the Japs or the enemy ever
got close enough to them the flame thrower would wipe them
out. (They are effective up to seventy yards.) It held them
on their final protective line. Usually you would not open
up until the enemy got within thirty yards of you because
at that range it was devastating. It has a trajectory to it
just like anything else. Of course some people disputed my
by saying that I was lighting up my front lines. But, my
rejoinder was that if they are coming in on you, they know
where you are; what do you care if you are lighted up. It
always worked. We used a lot of the flame throwers on that
tank attack. The flame throwers were taking off after these
tanks too. They could set them on fire by hitting their
engine.
So, CP security and the use of the flame in the defense
was very effective.
After Tinian we went back to Saipan and regrouped and
patrolled. We wiped up enemy pockets in our patrol and
built a division camp.
The 4th Division went back to Hawaii to the island of
Maui where their
camp was. We stayed on Saipan. The Army division was
moved off. We stayed there until the Iwo Jima deal in which
we were the strategic reserve. We had our ships loaded,
combat loaded, but we didn't put
the troops on them. We were not called on the Iwo Jima
Campaign at all. So, when that was over, we unloaded the
ships. We started training for the Okinawa Campaign. On the
Okinawa Campaign, here again, we were designated as
strategic reserve. The landing was Easter Sunday, I think
it was 1 April of that year. We were to make a mock landing
as a diversionary maneuver on the opposite side of the
island where the real landing was to be made by the Army
and Marines. We went in there and we put our boats in the
water. We did not put any troops, just a few--a handful in
the boats. They maneuvered towards the shore. They made one
of the most successful diversionary operations of the
Second World War according to the history books, because
the Japanese fell for it. They came at us, they hit one of
our transports--the transport that had our artillery
battalion, the 6th Marine Artillery on it. They had to
abandon ship, they sunk that ship. They hit one of our
LST's, the Kamikazes. But, the casualties. . . I didn't
have a single casualty.. The only casualties suffered were
those on the ships that were hit by these Japanese planes,
but comparatively few since they abandoned ship and were
immediately picked up by other ships. But, as a result, the
main landing force landed standing up, they didn't lose a
man going in on Okinawa. They ran into really tough
fighting later on but they didn't lose a man landing. So,
that was all we did on the Okinawa Campaign. We had to
float around out there for a couple of weeks just making
circles to see if we would be needed. They finally
decided
to send us back to Okinawa where we still kept the ships
loaded, but just went about our normal day to day training
routine ashore. Then, at the very last, they sent one
regiment, the 8th Marines, up to help in the finishing off
of the mopping-up of the island. That was the only regiment
of the 2nd Division to set foot on Okinawa.
At that time, they said that any of us that had been out
of the States for over thirty-three months could come home
for a month's leave. So, I put in for it. A lot of the
married officers didn't. They thought that would mean that
they would have to start another three years. Although the
policy clearly said that this had nothing
to do with extending your overseas tour. But in those
days, unlike the subsequent wars like Korea and Viet Nam,
everyone went out and stayed out regardless of what service
you were in until it was over. Our main mission on Okinawa
was just to protect the Air Force. They were flying the
B-29's out of there of course, and that's where the atom
bomb flew from. I came home again in the summer of 1945. I
was on leave. I was just getting ready to go back over when
VJ-Day happened. So, after that I was given a change of
orders and I went back out and turned over the battalion.
Then I was sent back after awhile to the States to
Quantico, Virginia.
(Thinking in terms of the war, do you have any thoughts
or observations concerning any of the general officers
under whom you served such as Julian Smith or any of
those?)
General Julian Smith was dearly loved by the officers
and the men of the 2nd Division. He was a fine officer and
very considerate, a sort of a fatherly type. The Chief of
Staff at Tarawa as I mentioned,
was Red Mike Edson who had won the Medal of Honor on
Edson's Ridge at Guadalcanal. He was a tough "banty
rooster" little redhead who really pulled the division
together when he joined it. General Marston had it at
Guadalcanal, and although he was a fine gentleman, he was
an old-time general, I mean, a. lot of the ones that were
generals at the very beginning of the war were pulled out
of there since it was a new ballgame than what they knew
and the Corps was growing in size beyond their wildest
expectations.
(He was left over from World War I?)
Right. They were World War I and between World War I and
World War II vintage. We didn't have many generals when I
joined the Corps. The Marine Corps, even when I came on
active duty, was only 17,800. That was in 1939. By the time
that the Second War was over, we were up to half million,
over 500,000. So, a lot of these division commanders later
on even after Julian Smith, like General Cates, and General
Shephard, they were all heroes of the First World War but
as captains. When the Second War started, they started out
as colonels. They were colonels on Guadalcanal under
General Vandegrift. They became generals very shortly.
Julian Smith was a splendid fellow. But, the ram-rodder in
the thing was Edson.
On the way up to Tarawa, Colonel Dave Shoup was G-3. On
the way up, Colonel Marshall had the 2nd Marines, and he
had a nervous breakdown. So, they put Colonel Shoup in
command of the 2nd Regiment. That's how he came to be the
senior colonel who got ashore at Tarawa where he won his
medal of honor and did such a fine job. He made his one
star when he got back to Hawaii and relieved General
Hermle. General Edson moved up
to be the assistant division commander. General Smith
was relieved a few months after Tarawa and sent over to
form up a logistics command at Pearl Harbor. His successor
was General Thomas E. Watson who was not popular. He was a
very profane, cocky little guy with everyone. He exerted
the drivership principle instead of the leadership
principle of General Smith. That always impressed me
because as soon as that happened, General Edson, who up to
that time had been the guy to be afraid of and who stressed
that we do our job on time and promptly, began to realize
that you can't have two task masters. So, he became the
fellow that would come around and pat you on the back.
Edson would come up to my battalion almost everyday on
Saipan. I had a little Greek runner named Tony, I forget
his last name. We had these chocolate bars, D-rations they
called it. They were very, very concentrated chocolate, but
Tony somehow would always be able to "goose gal" some
canned milk. He had an old beat up Japanese kettle that he
"liberated." He would take his bayonet and he'd shave this
D-ration, and every noon I'd have hot cocoa with my lunch.
The word got around, and General Edson would come by, and
Bob Sherrod who wrote On To Westward and Tarawa. That's
where I got to know Bob so well. We are still very close
friends. He lives here in Washington. They'd come by. I
knew damn well they wanted to have some of that cocoa,
rather than just seeing me. Watson came around and everyone
would be scared to death. He was just ornery and mean. He's
dead now so rest his soul, but he was just that kind of an
officer. It wasn't a front with him. It was the real thing.
He felt that that was the way he had to do it. It was just
his personality. I am not saying that he
did not know his stuff. He did. But, the way he went
about it was just unnecessary for what you call real
leadership. He had the division until I was transferred. He
had the most harassed aide. I'll never forget. He was a
big, tall kid, much taller than the old man. He never
smiled. We all called him "laughing boy" because he never
smiled once. He hated this old gentleman with a passion.
The old man wouldn't let him go. He just made life
miserable for him.
General Cates had the 4th Division and he was extremely
popular
and a very fine division commander. General Shepherd had
the 6th Division, the division on Okinawa. He also was a
highly thought of and very fine general. I didn't know
General Rupertus who had the 1st Division. We were never in
any close contact with the 1st Division after Guadalcanal.
They were always operating in a different area of the
Pacific from us. I didn't observe them. Their assistant
division commander, Oliver Prince Smith, was a splendid
officer. He was my battalion commander in Iceland as
lieutenant colonel. He had command of our First Marine
Division in the Chosin Reservoir in Korea. He was the one
that said, "Retreat hell, we're just advancing in a
different direction.". He was just a splendid gentleman. We
admired him very much. He treated us all very good. In
fact, he gave my wife away when we were married since her
father was not able to be there. So, he ended up as a 3
Star General and in command of the F.M.F. Atlantic.
(How did the two Smiths contrast?)
Well, they were entirely different. General Oliver
Prince Smith was a very, very scholarly man. He had missed
the First War. He was sent to Guam for garrison duty. He
always deeply regreted that, and
felt a sort of an inferiority complex to men like
Shepherd and Cates, who had made such tremendous records in
Belleau Woods and so forth. But, they respected him, and he
really knew his military history and he taught us a lot. He
was very quiet spoken, smoked a pipe, and very seldom
touched a drop of liquor except when he put on his Eagles
in Iceland, he did. I don't know if I covered that last
time.
(No, you mentioned him being in Iceland.)
He came to me in Iceland, I don't know why me, with
another Irishman Lieutenant named Johnny Chaison. He didn't
know how to put on a "wetting down" party, but he would
like to have a wetting down party when he was promoted to
Colonel. We didn't allow any women in the mess there. The
Icelandic girls, too many were sympathetic to the Germans.
So, we said, "Sure, that's easy." Of course, he was paying
for the booze. We had learned a lot of songs from the
British up there. This was our favorite pastime after
dinner to play penny ante poker or sing. All of the
officers were in the mess hut that we used for the
officer's club. One of the songs we learned was called "Do
You Know the Muffin Man?" A silly song - it was a
repetitive deal. The way you did this, was that you played
follow the leader and you balanced your drink on your head
while singing this song the whole time. Well, some of us
got pretty good at this balancing the drink on our heads. I
don't know if I was leading it or Chaison but Oliver Prince
Smith played it with us. We were just amazed because he was
always so dignified. The trick was that if you spilled your
drink, you had to buy another round of drinks for the whole
mess. We got so we could go up over the piano and come down
the other side without
spilling it. He never got over the piano. I'll never
forget, he spilled three drinks all over him. But, he had
the time of his life that night. He just laughed and
thought it was funny as hell. But, he was a very human
guy.
Now, the other Smith, "Howling Mad" Smith, was very
tough looking. But, he was just as soft or softer than O.
P. Smith. I have seen him when he came ashore after Tarawa
with tears in his eyes. He loved his marines with a
passion. Julian Smith was like "Howlin Mad" in this
respect. He was very sentimental. He was dearly and highly
thought of by all the marines, and highly thought of by
Admiral Nimitz. I only saw Admiral Nimitz once. He
decorated me after Tarawa with the Silver Star. I was
impressed with him. He was a fine looking man. I have
always admired him from what I have read about him. I was
too junior to know any of the other admirals really. That's
about all I really could tell you about the generals from
World War II. Vandegrift came back to be commandant and did
a fine job.
William K. Jones
September 29, 1976
Interview #3
There are two incidents which I would like to recount at
this point. One of them was rather humorous and the other I
think is something of real interest concerning World War
II. Then I will go into the period after World War II and
sweep Korea, Quantico, and Vietnam. On Saipan we met very
stiff resistance at the beach as I might have mentioned. We
suffered very heavy casualties, second only to Tarawa on
the beach as far as my division was concerned. I heard
about this incident a few days after D-Day. It concerned a
Catholic priest. This particular chaplain whose name I
don't recall, was not in my outfit. He had an Irish name. A
lot of Catholic priests do, of course. He had evidently
taken two gas mask bags and left the gas masks on board the
ship. In one of them he put a couple of bottles of Scotch
whiskey that he brought from New Zealand. In the other, he
filled with fried chicken that he had gotten the cooks to
make up for him. He landed in the very early waves. He
spent his time going up and down the beach to these wounded
Marines who might have received corpsman first aid, but
they were very close to going into shock. He would tell
them words to the effect, "Now son, you're going to be all
right." The youngster, of course, was frightened and he
didn't know at all that he was going to pull through this
particular ordeal. Then, the Father would say, "Now, how
would you like a swig of Scotch?" The kid would say, "You
must be kidding." Well, the chaplain would give them a
drink of Scotch, if he wanted it.
Then, he would say, "Now how about a nice piece of fried
chicken?" Well, it was so incongruous to have this fried
chicken and Scotch when all hell was breaking loose on the
beach there. Wounded were all over the place. The
corpsmen were getting hit themselves. There was a lot of
gunfire and this chaplain was calmly moving from wounded to
wounded and sort of kidding them out of letting themselves
become so emotionally overwrought that in talking to
doctors later, many of them said that was the best
psychological move that that chaplain could have possibly
made. In doing so, he undoubtedly saved a lot of lives of
these youngsters who would have gone into shock before they
could be evacuated back to the ship to be put in the
hospital
or sick bay. That is a story that has never really been
told. This chaplain was decorated for his efforts because
he not only used his head and used a very basic approach to
calming the anxiety and fears of anyone that had been
seriously hurt, but he also risked his life by moving up
and down that beach that was under heavy gunfire.
[Do chaplains normally go in on the first wave like
that?]
Yes. Most of them are very dedicated men. They pretty
much insist on getting in there quite early. They all
administered and would comfort the wounded. But, none of
them showed quite the imagination that this Irishman that
knew that the most incongruous thing that anyone would
expect to see on a beach on D-Day would be fried chicken
and Scotch. By coming to that conclusion, he managed to
provide this unusual shock on the thing. Chaplains went in
quite early. Normally each battalion had a Catholic
chaplain and a Protestant chaplain. We had very few Jewish
chaplains. Normally they were at the division level and
most of the services were conducted either by the Catholic
or the Protestant. They would have to spread out of course.
They would be nondenominational. Then, the Jewish Rabbi
would as he could assemble because of course they were in
the minority. It was the same thing with the Greek
Orthodox. We would only have about one of those for a
division. They would get together whenever it was possible
to assemble.
We had great stress. What we used also, since we are
dwelling on this, was a system that the Navy Department set
up during the second war or before. It was a system in
which they would have specially designated men to act as
lay ministers. These young men were enlisted men and we
tried to have them down to company size units and sometimes
even down to platoon size units. The young men were
Catholic, Protestant, or what have you who would take some
instructions from the ordained ministers or priests. They
would conduct these nondenominational services when it was
just impossible, because of the front, for the ordained
ministers to come very often. They would just carry on a
nondenominational service just like on board ships. For
instance, they had these aboard ships because of course on
the smaller ships the Navy couldn't afford to have
chaplains.
[I couldn't imagine they could get enough chaplains into
the service for that.
No, you couldn't. All the churches would just allow so
many to perform this kind of duty even in wartime because
they have to. The number of chaplains from a denomination
usually depended upon the size of the denomination. It is
that way today.
The lay leaders, that's the name of the program. I never
thought I would forget that because I used it, I'll tell
you how, in another respect. These youngsters would not
only be able to do this, but I used it then in a sense of
human relations. I found that many times a young, teenage,
enlisted man would be hesitant to go to this officer who
was a chaplain, they were all commissioned, with his
problems. It was the generation gap and an educational gap.
But, this lay leader would have his name published on the
bulletin board before we went into combat. I used this
after the war too. I used it in 29 PALMS when I had command
of that, I would
encourage them that if they did not want to go talk to
their chaplain for advice, and they didn't want to go up
the military chain, because many of them were reluctant; to
go to their lay leader.
There was a thing we call request mast that you are
familiar with which any enlisted man or any officer is
guaranteed the right by law to have what the Naval services
call request mast. But it means that any man that wants to
talk to his superior officer or take a complaint or take a
question or take a request up the line, cannot be denied
that under any circumstances. However, many times in the
intervening chain of command, unfortunately,
by their facial expressions or I guess in all fairness
sometimes just because they just practically refuse,
because maybe this youngster is considered to be a deadbeat
by his first sergeant or his sergeant and he just says,
"I'm not going to let him bother the Captain. He might tell
lies about me." So he refused to let him go up. But, many
times a youngster doesn't want to go up that chain, because
he is afraid to get the first sergeant or sergeant-major
angry with him. None of my commanders ever complained nor
my NCO's. I was not bypassing the chain of command, but I
was getting this guy to make his problem, the thing that
was bothering him, known just through another channel. He
would go to this lay leader who would then advise him to
talk to his chaplain. He would take him up to the chaplain
and introduce him and sort of sit with him if he wanted.
Then the kid would spell out the problem. Well, the
chaplain, of course, being an educated man knew exactly
where to go and what to advise him. Sometimes, it never
went any further. The chaplain was able to show him that he
had nothing to worry about. Other times it was something
that was a simple matter for the chaplain to pick up the
phone and call the American Red Cross representative and
send a wire back to the youngster's little wife, or his
parents or what
have you without ever getting it in the chain of
command. It would have gone into that channel anyway had it
come up through the request mast procedure. Then, other
times, the chaplain would go and champion the kid's cause
without really getting him involved at all with the
sergeant-major or first sergeant. So, the lay leaders
program was very valuable which I hope is still in
existence now in the services. It has been in the Naval
service for many years. We would use that. I'm sure the
other services have it too.
In Korea, I didn't have this, but in Vietnam I was
always impressed with a prayer that some chaplain wrote
years ago called the "Marine's Prayer."
So, I had that reproduced when I had the third division,
no I guess it was when I was FMF PAC. These were little
pocketsize cards. No one was forced to take them, but you'd
be surprised at those that did. As the old saying goes,
"I've never seen an atheist in a foxhole." There were
plenty of guys that would not attend the services on the
night before D-Day although all the denominations had a
service. On the other hand, you would be amazed after D-Day
how many people showed up at any service. That's where the
old expression comes from, "Boy when it's coming close to
your bow, why all of a sudden a lot of these youngsters and
growing older men start thinking about, is this the end of
everything?" That is a little aspect of the religious part
of Marines. This was true in Vietnam, this was true in
Korea and in the three wars I've been in. I think that's
overlooked many times in the history books.
Sometimes a chaplain will catch the public's
imagination, like during the early part of World War II
when they wrote that song about "Praise the Lord
and Pass the Ammunition." That was written by a chaplain
aboard a Navy vessel. That was on one of the big early
battles. These men do a marvelous amount of good in wartime
as well as in peacetime. The young man is used to the
guidance of his family and influences of his scout leaders
and athletic coaches
and his religious leaders. When he gets away from home
he is so prone to fall in with older men who are still his
peers, who have a certain impression upon him because they
have been in the service longer. They can really lead him
astray. It is a constant battle to try to encourage the men
to attend the service of their choice without trying, even
to the point of sometimes saying, "If you don't attend the
service of your choice, then we make available for you a
discussion group led by one of the officers or staff NCO's
that is interested in that. They talk on just ethics, just
talking about what is right and wrong, and how you should
treat your fellow man. But, we try to get them at least
once a week to think a little bit about their character.
This aspect of military life, I've never really read about
in history books, so I made notes and thought that might be
interesting.
Of course, as you have heard me say before, one of the
other things that never seems to surface in military
history is the humor. And I've told you some stories about
it. Sometimes you run into a true character that had a
tremendous effect on the morale of the men. I recall one
such man. His name was Bill Schwerin. His father happened
to be the man that swore me into the Marine Corps at Kansas
City, Missouri at the post office. He was a captain. Of
course, he retired a long time before I ran into his son.
It turned out that his son turned up in my outfit.
Actually, he showed up in the same regiment I was in, in
another battalion. During the Saipan-Tinian Campaign is
where I ran into him. This is how it came about. Bill was
with one of our raider battalions during the Guadalcanal
era. He was sent back into the jungle with his company to
scout the enemy rear lines and report back in two weeks.
Well, he was having so much fun disrupting all the rear
area of the Japanese that he didn't come back in two weeks.
He stayed out a whole month before he brought his company
back in. Then, he told his superior that the
reason he didn't is because his radio went out on him.
That was a big lie, because that was always our excuse when
we didn't want to talk to higher head-quarters. We would
plead communication difficulties and sometimes we would
pull the wire out of your field phone or just turn your
radio off and claim the batteries went out or something. He
had done such a marvelous job. He was one of those cases,
and they don't happen too often in which they had done two
things: they awarded him the Navy Cross which is the second
highest decoration, next to the Medal of Honor, and they
court-martialed him. As a result of the court-martial, they
threw him out of the Raiders because he just didn't obey
his orders. You couldn't afford to have a guy like that
that was taking it on himself to decide what to do.
They sent him to transport quartermaster duty. That was
a very responsible position. During the war, it was very
unglamorous because each transport had a Marine transport
quartermaster. He would have maybe two NCO's to help him.
It was their job to make out loading plans and unloading
plans. Any outfit that came aboard, whether it was Army or
Marine units, they would have to be the coordination
between the Navy and the embarking units. They had to know
the characteristics of the ship. They had their little
templets and they would know where the jeeps would go and
the trucks would go and the ammo would go and the food
would go and all this. Well, that was about the most
downgrading thing they could do to a guy like Schwerin
because he dearly loved to get in a good fight.
We had very heavy casualties that I mentioned in those
first few days, so
I needed some more officers. I was down to having one
second lieutenant command a company and things like that.
Well, they notified me that I had some captains coming in.
Well, the one they sent me turned out to be this fellow
Bill Schwerin. I didn't know anything about him. So, I gave
him command of my "A"
Company. I asked him about his background. He said,
"Well, I was on this Navy ship as a TQM." I said, "How come
the skipper let you go?" Well, he said, "Two days ago, we
looked up at the communication aerial of the ship and there
was a carrier pigeon sitting on it. You could see the
little metal band on its leg in which they carried the
messages." Well, the Japanese used carrier pigeons quite
often. So the captain was very anxious when this was
pointed out to them. Bill told the captain about this and
he was very excited about this. Bill told the captain, "I
can get him down for you, Captain." The captain told him,
"Well, go ahead." Well, Schwerin pulled out his forty-five
and hit the pigeon. He was a crack shot. But in hitting the
pigeon, he also severed the ship's wireless, the ship's
antenna. Well, this put the captain out of communication
with his superiors and with the beach and made him madder
than hell. He threw Schwerin off his ship. He put him on
the beach and said he never wanted to see him again.
Particularly when they got the dead pigeon, and there was a
message. The captain probably had visions that he would get
a big pat on the back for intercepting a very important
Japanese message. But, all the message said, obviously some
marine had captured the pigeon first and he had written a
message and put it in there hoping that the pigeon would go
back to the Japanese. The message said words to the effect,
"Your emperor is a mother ." So, that's when he threw
Schwerin off the ship with his locker box and
everything.
Schwerin reported in and they sent him to me. Well, we
had been in combat for days. We were pretty grimy and
dirty. We had just what we were carrying in our pack, Well,
Schwerin showed up with his whole locker box. So, the
next thing I noticed is that he was leading his company
in starched khakis, even to a shirt and tie. Of course
there again, it was so incongruous that the spirit of that
company just rose. You could see it noticeably. Here
was
this new captain, and just look at that dude, here he is
on the battlefield
in starched khakis which I allowed. I said, "That is
great, but you wear your helmet." He didn't want to wear
his helmet. I thought, "Well, this is good, because it gave
the whole battalion a lift really." This guy was a real
character.
We swept through the town of Garapan which is the
biggest town in Saipan. Well, Schwerin got down there with
his company, and they found what must have been the local
bawdy house because it had a lot of bright red drapes and
things. They fashioned a large battle flag like the big
Marine Corps flag. Only he had A-Company 1-6 on it and he
would pull down one of these fancy tassels that you see in
the old-fashioned decorative schemes of things, so that was
the battle streamers. The next thing I saw was here up on
the horizon is this big red
flag going there. Well, hell, I about had a fit. It was
a perfect aiming point for any enemy gunner. So, I had to
send word that I didn't want them to carry that thing.
Well, it so happened that he was attached to another
regiment. Colonel Clarence Wallace was in command. So,
Schwerin naturally would see any way that he could see a
way out of some restriction, he would take it. He said,
"Well, you told me I couldn't but Colonel Wallace didn't."
So, he broke it out again. When Colonel Wallace saw it, he
was even madder than I was and sent for the flag and
impounded it. He put it in his regimental CP after reading
Captain Schwerin off. So that wouldn't have been so bad
except that night Schwerin sent a fire team of four marines
to infiltrate the regimental commander's headquarters, and
swiped their flag back. The next day they were flying it
again. Well, you can imagine how Colonel Wallace took that.
So, I got Schwerin and his company back. I got quite a
tongue lashing from the Colonel. I gave a thrashing to
Schwerin. I took the flag and burned it or buried it or
something. The point of this whole yarn is, that in battle
any incongruous thing, and any humorous thing has a
tremendous effect upon raising the morale of the troops
when they are starting to get tired. That's one of the
commander's greatest worries.
After they get just so tired after days and days of
battle, that's why you try to relieve your units and give
them some rest and give them a good hot meal, or they will
become careless and sort of numb. They don't take cover
like they should, they don't take normal precautionary
defensive tactics that have been drilled into them.
[But, by the same token, his total disregard for higher
command seemed to me to not only endanger his company, but
the entire battalion. ]
That's right. You could not stand this. So, to finish
off that story, we went on to Tinian and he calmed down. He
wore his helmet because he had an experience after I told
him the next time I caught him without his helmet on. I
said, "I don't give a damn about you, but if you don't wear
your helmet, how can I expect your men to wear their
helmets, and I do care about them." Well, he wore it. It
just so happened that he came back to see me ; and about an
hour after he had left my CP and had his helmet on, a
sniper took a shot at him and it ricocheted off his helmet.
He showed me his helmet and you could see where the bullet
hit. He told me I was right. If he hadn't had that helmet
on, it would have hit his gourd.
On Tinian he did get wounded in the arm. He came and he
had blood all over him. He said, "That is a trip to the
states." He thought that was great. He could see great
liberty times. They didn't send him to the states. They
sent him back to Honolulu. He probably raised plenty of
hell with the nurses back there. Finally, he showed up
again. By this time, he had made major and he was assigned
to another battalion as the X0. The battalion commander of
that battalion was a very dear friend of mine and still is.
He had a lot of trouble with this fellow. During peace
times, Schwerin always got in trouble because he had a
disregard for discipline. On the battlefield he was great.
He was fearless, he was smart, and knew his profession
well.
He utilized his knowledge and set up beautiful defensive
positions. He knew how to use deception. He always had his
scouts out. He did everything right except for this battle
flag thing. But in peace times, he was one of these fellows
that just got into trouble. He drank too much. He gambled
with the enlisted men. As much as you would warn him, he
was just that type.
Then he came around and he wanted our recommendation for
regular commission. The war was then drawing to a close.
They had put out the word that they wanted anyone who
wanted regular commission. He wanted me to recommend him
for regular commission and he also wanted this friend of
mine, Colonel Haffner, his battalion commander, to
recommend him. Neither of us would recommend him. We just
told him right in the eye that no we wouldn't recommend him
for a regular commission. He was just a man that was good
on the battle-field, but fortunately only about 5% of the
time you are in fighting and 95% you have to be a teacher
and an advisor and a combination of scout leader, minister,
parent and what have you to these young men who are sent to
us by the American people. So, we wouldn't recommend
him.
He went back to Wisconsin, his home, and he joined the
National Guard. He had flunked out of the Naval Academy. He
had gone about two or three years to the Naval Academy. He
was smart but he got in trouble and had too many demerits,
and they threw him out. That is when he enlisted in the
Marine Corps. Then, he got a commission coming up
through the ranks. He went into the National Guard outfit
up there. He had all this background and a tremendous
combat record with the Raiders and had the Navy Cross on
down. He went to Korea with them and they gave him a
battlefield promotion. He just did a great job for them. He
was a real professional fighting man, no doubt about it.
The last time I saw him was when I was stationed at
Headquarters Marine Corps as a colonel in 1952. He came by
in his Army uniform.
He was a lieutenant colonel. He called on me. He had
just done a great job and the Army just thought he was
outstanding. As far as I know, he stayed on and has
probably retired by now. That was the saga of this
particular character. You have that type.
[When he was with the Raiders for his month in the
jungle, did they carry adequate rations to last for a
month?]
Oh yes. Of course they lived off the land quite a bit.
Then, they would raid these rear area dumps and they lived
off a lot of Japanese rice and
canned goods from the Japanese. Those are the only two
fill-ins that I thought might be of interest in World War
II.
After World War II, of course, all the services were
cutting down in size. It was a drastic cut. The Marine
Corps went from about five hundred and some odd thousand
back down. During those days, of course, everyone was so
glad the war was over to be back home with their families.
Many of us who were bachelors during the war were married.
The effort mainly in Quantico, which is the educational
center of the Marine Corps for all the officers and the
more technical schools, lay in developing new courses
reflecting experiences we had had. But, it was with full
awareness that the big problem is always that you continue
to fight the last war instead of looking ahead for the next
war. Well, in those days the popular saying was, "That we
were fighting the war to end all wars." Once you got rid of
Hitler and Tajo everything was going to be peaches and
cream. We really didn't believe that, but we thought that
it would be quite sometime. We didn't know that Korea would
only be about five years away.
That is where we started developing and talking about
the helicopter assault concept. This was developed, the
idea as far as I can trace it back and he has never
received credit for it, goes to this man who was
Lieutenant
Colonel Loren E. Haffner. I was married in 1945 and he
lived in an apartment building a couple of blocks away. He
came over one summer evening and he was quite an artist. He
could sketch things very well. He was a very imaginative
man. He said, "Let me show you this thing." He had sketched
out using helicopters. He had one sketch that showed them
evacuating the wounded with the Red Cross on them; another
one transporting troops. I must admit that I said they were
just too vulnerable. As you know, we were used to going
ashore in those heavily armored amtracs which we were all
disimbued with. By the end of the war we would have much
rather have gone back to the old unarmored Higgins boats
that were faster. The amtracs were so slow in the water
that they were prime targets for any enemy tanks or heavy
caliber guns.. But, he took it down and he talked to some
other men who were teaching at the senior school, a
colonel, who later became Chief of Staff of the Marine
Corps as a Lieutenant General, Colonel Robert E. Hogaboom.
His assistant was a man who later became a lieutenant
general and was a lieu-tenant colonel at the time. His name
was Victory Crulaux who we called "The Brute." "The Brute"
was the one as a second lieutenant that I have mentioned
before who came up with the idea of the ramp boats to land
out of before the Second. World War. These were adopted.
They liked the idea and they built a little presentation of
about five or ten minutes using slides. At the end of their
Advanced Space Problem they would show "This is how it is
going to be in the future."
The Advanced Space Problems were started between the
Naval War College and the schools at Quantico well before
World War II. What they would do is to take a certain
locale in the world and then would do all the intelligence
of it. They developed a scenario involving an amphibious
operation on it. These were invaluable because they were
put into the records. When we invaded
Guam and invaded many of the other islands out in the
Pacific, they had already been the subject of an Advanced
Space Problem. So, all the intelligence had already been
gathered. It just had to be updated. All of the various
courses of action had already been weighed,. so they just
had to be reviewed with a very critical eye. It was
surprising just how many of those stood up just like they
were.
So, they added this. This was in the late. forties that
the Marine Corps started this thing. You can check it out
in the Army history, where many Army leaders have always
said, "We could never understand why you came up with the
helicopter concept and you let us run away with it." Some
claim that they started it, but they didn't. The reason for
that was because there was a great argument in the Marine
Corps about this. Our Marine aviators, which constitute
about a third of our officers corps, were very much against
it. They wanted the money, which is never enough to go
around, to buy fighter planes and close support planes.
They wanted fixed wing aircraft. The didn't want to put out
any available aviation money for this helicopter thing.
This is understandable but not very farsighted on their
part. So, we nevertheless had a certain number of
helicopters. When Korea came along, we used these
helicopters. We were the first to use them in combat. We
used them to reinforce troops up on those high mountains.
We used them also to evacuate wounded. That really proved
the concept.
[Were they really vulnerable initially?]
Well, they were not vulnerable if they were introduced
correctly. By this, I mean, just like during Vietnam when
they were much faster then.
There was no armor on them because you can't put armor
on the thing because it will cut down too much on your
load. They armored some gunships which just protected the
pilot and the gunner. Even so, why that cuts down on the
speed;
so you had to depend for protection on evasive actions.
It was the same principle that we used years later in
Vietnam. You either flew above 3500 feet which will make it
difficult for a man with small arms to hit a moving target
like that, or you flew at about fifty feet. Flying at fifty
feet, why you are traveling at such a speed it is awfully
hard for them to hit
you unless they are crack shot skeet shooters. Of
course, you had to follow the contours. But, if you ever
got between one hundred and twenty-five hundred feet why
you were a dead duck. So, these tactics were developed to
take care of this thing.
The reason for the helicopters was that we recognized
after the Hiroshima and Nagasaki atom bomb deal that you
would never be able to make this huge concentration of
ships and landing crafts that was our techniques in World
War II. So, by the time Korea came along, we still used
that because we still had pretty much of a monopoly on the
atom bomb. Russia had the secret, but they hadn't developed
a threat. So, we just used the helicopter in the functions
that I have told you about. After that with the Navy's
help, we have developed. The helicopter concept was
dispersal of the attack force, so that you could have these
various elements of it well spread out and over the
horizon. You could launch your initial attack and assault
with helicopters and seize the beachhead and then you could
move selectively the reinforcements and the supplies in
over the water. We didn't foresee or do we foresee even at
this date of this attack art that you could do everything
by air. It is just such a massive weight of material,
armor, bridging, engineering equipment as well as
ammunition. It is all very, very heavy stuff. So, this was
developed in response to that.
The only other thing that I think might be of interest
concerning the days immediately following the war was the
great upsurge in social activities.
Every Saturday night at the Quantico officers club, we
had a dance. All of the people showed up; the married
people and their wives and the bachelors with dates with
girls from Washington or down at Mary Washington College
down in Fredericksburg, Virginia. We would wear our
uniforms, whites or whatever the appropriate one was. We
would also have costume parties and these things they call
treasure hunts where you would have these clues that
whoever was putting it on would spread around the base. Of
course, we weren't making very much money in comparison of
what we draw today. But, that didn't bother any-one. It was
always a bring your own bottle type of a thing. If you
drank, you brought your own bottle for you and your wife or
you and your date or whatever. The other things were all
very reasonable. You always went "dutch treat." Everyone
was so happy that it was over, that they really turned out
and had a marvelous, close feeling of comaraderie in all
sections. This was true of the staff NCO's and the NCO's;
the younger boys, those that stayed in, were all NCO's. You
don't see that so much these days. There is not nearly as
much fun. People just don't seem to have as much good clean
fun in the service as they used to. Everything is taken too
seriously.
[The same thing is true out of the service.'
It is true in our whole society unfortunately. I don't
mean that people didn't take things very seriously during
working time. But, the theory was to "work hard, play
hard." The first priority always had to be the work. It
still is. Once that was done, you should enjoy your life.
Of course, we had been overseas and in those days the rule
was to go out and stay out. Most of us had been overseas
for thirty-six straight months. But, with the new system
that was developed during Vietnam, well it was during Korea
where it really started, where you would go out for about a
year or thirteen months and rotate. It is much better. But,
it still doesn't seem to solve the thing.
I talk about this to my son and his friends. As I've
told you he is a captain in the Marine Corps and my nephew
is a captain in the Marines, and they are just fascinated
about how much fun we had in those days. And, we still
got
as much accomplished as they do. So, that spirit
existed. The POW's returned. We had many of them in our
midst. Men that had been POW's from Corregidor on. That
would be about three years or more. Most of them had gone
down to about a hundred pounds in weight and they were
still in the process of building themselves up. They
weren't allowed to come back onto active duty by the
medical officer until they had gotten to a point. They were
rearing for a good time. They were all promoted to whatever
rank they would have obtained had they not been captured.
So, this was a great thrill for them, of course. The whole
atmosphere was very happy and challenging and carefree in a
way, but also serious knowing what the future was bound to
hold.
Then, of course, the Korean War broke. Before that, very
briefly, I was sent from Quantico where I stayed from 1945
to 1948 where I was assigned duty as instructor in the
basic school first, and then about the other half of the
time I spent as head of the infantry section in what we
called the junior school. It is now called the amphibious
warfare school. I was a lieutenant colonel. This is another
thing that bugs my son and my nephew because I was then
twenty-nine years old and was already a lieutenant colonel.
My son just turned thirty here this month and he is a
fairly junior captain. But, that was just the nature of
things then. He understands. He would just love to get
going a little faster.
he were sent to Stockholm, Sweden, where I was assistant
Naval attache.
I was the first Marine officer to be sent there. The
Office of Naval Intelligence wanted a Marine ground officer
to go to Sweden and wanted a Marine Naval aviator to go to
Norway. We went there for two years. While
I was there that was during the time of the Berlin
Airlift. Later on, I was able to fly into Berlin and _have
a look at Berlin. and Hamburg. They were still devastated
and had not been rebuilt since the second World War. We
were amazed with Scandinavia. We liked the people. Of
course, the Swedes had not been involved in the war. My
wife was amazed because she could buy nylon stockings,
lipstick, cosmetics and things like that which even in 1948
were hard to come by here in the United States. They were
very plentiful over there. It was interesting to me that
when I went around to make my calls with my boss who was
the Naval attache on the chief of all the services and a
Navy captain, how they all knew so much about the United
States Marine Corps. In fact, when we called on the chief
of the Swedish Air Force, Baron Nordenshaul who was a
lieutenant general in the Swedish Air Corps, he told me
more about the United States Marine Corps than I knew
myself. They all subscribed, to the Marine Corps Gazette
which is still our publication which is published down at
Quantico. Sometimes they would catch me because they would
read the articles in it before I did and then want to talk
about it. It was a very social type of existence which was
fun for two years. We would go to as many as sixteen
parties a week which you can figure out is three or four a
night.
[Those are more exhausting than the battlefield.]
Same people and same diplomatic staffs. So, we
collected, as all attaches do, overt type of intelligence.
The country knows you're doing it. That's what you are
there for. There are just certain restrictions and things
you can't do.
[I suppose parties provided part of that
intelligence.]
Oh yes, they provided a certain amount of it. Of course,
just like the other countries do today, we read various
publications and gleaned out the
intelligence. I would go down and take my family on a
holiday on the beach. Of course, what I was looking for was
a beach gradient. That's very easy to measure without
making a big show of it. I'm sure they knew I was down
there. I would measure the beach gradient by having my wife
or daughter stand out a certain distance from shore and
take a photograph of them. I would then say that this is a
picture of a five foot four inch female ten feet out from
the shoreline or what have you. The expert then could
figure out what the beach gradient was.
The only really interesting time I had there was when
the Norwegian Defense College invited me to come over and
make a talk on amphibious warfare. I went over to Oslo and
gave the talk. But, part of the agreement was that I would
get to go up and make a reconnaissance on the Jaeren Plain
which was the only suitable area for amphibious operation
in Norway. I was accompanied by an officer in the Norwegian
Navy. Of course, we were wearing civilian clothes. Well,
the Russian Naval attache got wind of it. Well, we had
hardly left Oslo by train when we got word from his
headquarters that the Russian Naval attache had word of
this. He had departed about twelve hours after we had. Of
course, we couldn't allow him to find us together or it
would have embarrassed the Norwegian government. So, we
were moving just one step ahead of this fellow all the
time. We stayed in this inn and my escort warned me that
the proprietor was a quisling which is a Nazi sympathizer.
We had to be very circumspect to not let him get onto what
I was doing. When the Germans were driven out of there, the
British moved in first, and then the Americans had quite a
few people over there. The emphasis on amphibious type of
operations after the Normandy Landing had been taken off so
much to straight land warfare. We didn't have any
intelligence whatsoever on the beaches. If you had to
introduce a force again in there, where would you land?
Even back in 1948-1949 we were thinking ahead that maybe
some day we
that a fellow who hasn't had command in combat is going
to want it, but his desires vis-a-vis what is best for
those men if nothing. So, it's a common thing. It is a
common thing that has happened in all wars and should be
guarded against. A man should be just as proud of turning
in a first-rate staff job as they are of having a command
in combat. Without the planning and the dedication and the
intelligence and imagination of the staff officer, the
combat commander can do nothing at all.
[ Doesn't promotion come much quicker in combat than it
does in staff?]
Well, it does in the Army, or at least it used to. I
don't know what they do now. The Air Force and the Army in
the Second War would have full colonels that were only
twenty-five years old. I've known men in the Army in which
one guy was sent to the Presidio in San Francisco as a
first lieu-tenant and another fellow was sent to a combat
unit as a first lieutenant and in a couple of years, this
guy at the Presidio is still a first lieutenant, and the
other guy is a colonel. But, that's not the way they do it
in the Marine Corps or the Naval services. Sure if you have
a good combat record as commander, why that helps you get
selected; but if you have not, you are not going to get
passed over if you have done a real find job in whatever
assignment you have had. I've known men that have made two
star general without a single personal decoration in the
Marine Corps because they always did whatever job they were
assigned and they did it well. They felt kind of funny when
they would bump up against their contemporaries who had a
lot more ribbons than they did, but it just didn't make
that difference when it came to promotion. I've known men
who have had a chest full of ribbons which were passed over
when the reached whatever their plateau is, because
everyone seems to have their plateau. If a fellow is an
outstanding captain, he might fall flat on his face when he
makes major. Or, if a fellow had made an
outstanding lieutenant colonel and when he puts on his
eagles he could just be nothing. It doesn't usually happen,
but just because a fellow is a great colonel, doesn't mean
that he is going to be a great general.
Well, then, at headquarters I served for three years
almost in the operations section and made colonel. I got my
eagles there. We developed a plan that was of some
interest. It was a CPX. It was the first one that had ever
been held at headquarters level. We wrote up a regular one,
just like the formats for the command post exercises that
they have today. You have a general situation which you
outline which is just what the term implies. Then you have
these special situations which cause certain reactions. I
am proud to say that I came up with this idea. I had a
little trouble selling it because it caused all of the
headquarters section a lot of extra work. My plan was that
we would have to move the 3rd Marine Division out to Korea.
The Korean War was going on. We had the 1st Marine Division
committed. The 3rd Marine Division was just more or less on
papers, you might say.
The first thing we did before I get onto the CPX, I
might comment on, concerned the Inchon Landing. When we
were forced back into the Pusan Perimeter, we sent from
Camp Pendleton the only full strength, battle-ready,
regimental combat team that we had. Because in the short
time between World War II, when we were over 500,000, and
the Korean War, we had gone down to seventy some odd
thousand.. We had gone onto a very skeletal type
organization called the "J-Tables" in which you didn't have
full strength squads. You would only have two squads
instead of three for a platoon and two platoons instead of
three for a company and two companies instead of three for
a battalion. That type of thing. So, the 5th Marines, the
5th RCT was put together under the command of a Colonel
named R. L. Murray. Well, really Crulaux put them together
first and then he went out to be General Shepherd's
operation officer.
General Shepherd at that time was the commanding
general, Fleet Marine Force Pacific. They got them out in a
hurry to the Pusan Perimeter where they conducted
themselves in such a great job. Then, General MacArthur
came up with the idea of wanting to make the landing at
Inchon and hit the North Koreans in the rear. He wanted a
Marine division to lead the landing. Well, we had to get
together the elements of a division besides the 5th RCT. We
really collected them from all over. We had a battalion
aboard afloat in the Mediterranean then as we do now. We
sent them over down through the Suez Canal. We had some
other units out on Hawaii. We sent them out, and we got
together from all over from the East Coast and Camp Lejeune
as well. We got these various units which were thrown
together and made into the 1st Marine Division which landed
at Inchon. With the help of the subsequent Army units that
were landed, we broke the back of the North Koreans and
they had to retreat back over the Yalu. That started the
whole thing of course.
Well, everyone thought that I was kind of nutty about
wanting to have a command post exercise about sending the
3rd Marine Division which had been developed by then into a
division, as the strength of the corps was going up all the
time. We had to have replacements to go out to the 1st
Division. So, we finally exercised this thing, in which
they had to write the messages necessary to fill-up the 3rd
Division which was out on the West Coast. The officer's
detail and the enlisted detail had to write exercise
messages to the 2nd Division down at Camp Lejeune that you
will send so many men of this MOS and this rank and so
forth. It was just right down to the line, this CPX. We
exercised it for about five days. Then, after it was over
we completely critiqued it and everyone was pretty happy
about it. Well, it so happened
that in the meantime, General Shepherd had become the
commandant and he thought it was a good idea. The idea was
approved by my boss who was then General
Tom Warren, a brigadier general. He backed me up. The
Chief of Staff was General Gerry Thomas at that time. He
thought it was a good idea. They made all these other staff
sections cooperate.
It turned out that one day shortly after we had done
this thing, about a month afterwards, General Shepherd went
to a meeting of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. They had had a
request from MacArthur for another Marine division because
he felt that by landing another division in Japan, that it
would add credence and help to force the armistice talk. Of
course the war had gone along with the Chongjin Reservoir
situation and all that. They were trying to get the
armistice talk started concerning the 30th parallel.
MacArthur felt that he had to have some sort of a credible
indication that the United States was ready to go after
them again if they didn't agree to this deal. So, he wanted
it. He really didn't care if it was a Marine division or
any kind of division. He wanted another division right now.
When they asked the Army how soon they could get a division
over there, they said somewhere in the region of two
months. Well, when they asked General Shepherd of course,
he called back over to his chief of staff who called a
meeting right away.
He said, "The commandant wants to know how soon?"
"Well," we said, "ten days." He said how could we say that.
We told him that we had just completed the exercise and had
all the messages written and knew exactly. It was not just
made up. They couldn't just order someone from Lejeune that
wasn't there. We said all we have to do is just to take the
exercise classification off and put out the word and your
3rd Marine Division could start moving in ten days. Well,
of course, when he told the chiefs that, they just couldn't
believe him. Well, he told them that we had just exercised
it and that's just exactly what we did. So, it just turned
out fortuitously. It was lucky.
So, we just got the 3rd Division over there to Japan and
I presume it had whatever effect MacArthur wanted. The 3rd
Division relieved, in due course, the 1st Division in
Korea. The 1st Division moved back to Camp Pendleton.
That's why the 3rd Division now is out in the Pacific, and
has been and was during the Vietnamese War. They ended up
in Vietnam after the Korean War when we moved to Okinawa.
The Army did too. Then, the 3rd Marine Division was the
st Marine division to go on and land in Vietnam up at Da
Nang. Then, when they started breaking down and withdrawing
from Vietnam, the 3rd Marine Division came out first and
went back to Okinawa. Then, the 1st Marine Division went
back to Pendleton. That's where they remain today.
During the time that I was in Korea, the armistice was
signed in August of 1953. I was on leave on my way over
there at the time. So, I didn't see any combat. The first
six months I was the G-3 of the division. We were under the
Army I Corps at the left flank. We were up by the Imjin
River. That's where the Freedom Bridge was built and that's
where we exchanged the prisoners between sides. So, we were
involved in providing security for what they called "Big
Switch" and "Little Switch," they were the two prisoner
exchanges. Our prisoners would come back and they would be
debriefed. That was very touching of course. You would see
them land and get off these trucks and so happy to be back.
Then, we would send the Korean and Chinese prisoners back
up. Of course, a lot of them wouldn't go. Thousands of them
wouldn't go. Those that did go, they would go up on the
train and as they reached Freedom Bridge, they would throw
all the clothing that we had outfitted them with out the
window. They were afraid to go back and have anything and
they were cursing us and all that kind of stuff.
[Those that did not go back, did they remain in South
Korea? ]
Yes, they were Koreans. I don't think any of the Chinese
remained behind. Mainly the ones that stayed were the
Koreans that didn't want to go back up North. They stayed
and are there to this day. The figures are up to about
23,000 that wouldn't go back. The North Koreans and Chinese
were trying to say that they had to go back. Comparatively
few prisoners went back. All of ours came back except the
well known - about twenty guys. That's when they set up
Panmunjom where they put the International Armistice
Commission. It was made up of Poland, India, Sweden and I
don't remember the other two.
The only reason I really had any contact with them was
that later on after the "Big and Little Switch," I was
given a regiment of the 1st Marines and I was assigned to
general outpost which was across our whole division front
on the north side of the Imjin River. The purpose of the
general outpost was to fight a delaying action and fall
back across the river until we, our main battle positions
were all dug in and heavily fortified just to the south of
the Imjin River. I presume it is that way today. So, I
found out that an old friend of mine, a Swedish Army
officer, a post artillery officer, was on this thing. I had
he and his whole Swedish contingent down. We wined them and
dined them and gave them a demonstration and let them ride
in our tanks. They were some very fine soldiers that were
out there. Bruce Clark who was in command of I Corps, his
operations officer was a guy named Abrams who was a colonel
and I worked closely with him. He was a very nice guy. He
later, of course, relieved Westmoreland as the commander of
our forces in Vietnam and then later was Army Chief of
Staff. He was a fine, fine soldier. General Blackshire
Bryan relieved General Clark as the I Corps commander. He
too was a fine, fine commander. They always used to scratch
their heads about their command because they had two Army
divisions in this corps, and they had three South Korean
divisions. They had this Marine division and a
Commonwealth division which was made up of Canadians,
and the Turkish contingent was thrown into it. They were
hard to shave and they did just about what they damn well
pleased. The Marines were kind of hard to shave and we just
sort of did things the way we wanted to do it. So, these
Army boys were very, very tolerant and very patient.
[There were no incidents or violations?]
No. We didn't have any. We mostly tried to keep people
from running into these mine fields. The battles swept back
and forth across there, and most of the mine fields were
unmarked.
I came back from Korea and was again assigned to
Quantico, where I was a G-3 there under General Thomas from
1954 to 1956, That was just a routine proposition. I was
providing support for the direction and operational
planning to the various units that make-up the thing. The
only incident that sticks in my mind was when I really got
into trouble down there with the brigadier general who had
command of the Marine Corps Educational Center named Barow
Bahr. He was a fine man. He was usually very friendly. I
had an assistant, a G-3 and Lieutenant Colonel named Dick
Strickler who was a big football star at the University of
Maryland in his day. He was a wonderful guy, but he looked
ugly as sin. So, everyone called him "Daisy Mae" because he
was so ugly. It so happened that in those days the Marine
barracks at H and I every winter after parade season would
fertilize the grass. The way they would fertilize it, this
was still before the wide use of Scotts and other
commercial fertilizer, was with the plain old horse manure.
The Marine Corps at Quantico had a stable. They still do as
far as I know. So, each fall there would come a routine
requisition down from the Marine barracks from H and I for
a load of horse manure. Well, of course, instead of sending
it over, "Daisy Mae" got a hold of this thing, and he got
kind of cute.
Instead of routing it to the post stable, he routed it
to the Marine Corps Educational Center. Well, of course,
the message was there. I got this call from a very angry
general who wanted to know if I thought I was funny or
something. It was the first I had heard of it. I called
this great big old "Daisy Mae" in and asked, "What in the
hell did you do that for?"
He told me that he just couldn't resist it. He said they
put out more of that stuff than the post stable does. On
the whole, it was a lot of fun.
Then, I was sent to have command of the Basic School in
1956 to 1958 and that was a wonderful experience. It was
dealing then with the new commissioned officers and all
officers whether they came from the Naval Academy, or the
few from West Point, or wherever thay came from, the
various colleges or from the ranks. They have to go through
basic school. They still do, just to teach them what it is
to be a Marine officer. It was a lot of fun working with
these fine young men. About a third of them were married,
so my wife enjoyed working with their wives. These little
girls were just
fresh married most of them. She and other older Marine
wives would tell them what the ropes were and have teas and
things like that to help them get settled and feel at home.
We, of course, developed the training. I thoroughly enjoyed
it. To this day, I run into this whole generation of field
grade officers that were students under me there. I run
into them all over. That's kind of heart-warming. There
were many normal and interesting and funny things that
happened, but I won't take up the time with that. They
don't have any particular bearing or point or lesson to
learn from them.
Then, I was fortunate for being sent from the basic
school down to the recruit depot down at Parris Island,
that was in 1958 to 1960. The reason I felt that I was so
fortunate was because I was about the only one that ever
had both of those jobs. Here on one side I was familiar
with the training of
lieutenants, and I went down and I was in charge of the
training of the fresh start enlisted men. That's just as
challenging and entirely different of course. It was a few
years after the Ribbon Creek Disaster. After that, they had
put a brigadier general in command of the recruit training
regiment. I was the first colonel to have command of
it.
[Will Parris Island ever get over that stigma?]
Well, they've already got another one.
[But that one was the one that always sticks in
everyone's mind.]
I don't know. It's just one of those things. This is
just done by a drill instructor against orders. It's just a
matter of human nature and fallacy that seemed to go along
for so many years. Then one of these guys takes it on
himself and that shakes up everyone. That's just what we
had happen recently there too.
[Well, the training is so rigorous that I should think .
. .]
But it is not necessary. It isn't necessary to lay a
glove on them or touch them. The rules are very strict. You
can't even touch a man, because it isn't reasonable. Now,
you can shout at him, but there are a lot of sophomoric
type things that these guys were pulling that just weren't
necessary. So, it was a constant watching them. But the
best ones never did it. It is just like any successful
leader or any successful businessman, the most successful
ones are not these bullies. These guys that yell and scream
and throw tantrums are not the successful ones. The richest
men and most successful men are so down-to-earth that you
would think that they are just the guy next door. It's the
same way in the military. We used to call it and still do
there. It is a difference between leadership and
drivership. The poor leader has to resort to drivership.
Why? Because he doesn't have any
self-confidence. So, he resorts to bullying. That's what
happens. Once in a while these guys come along and there
you are.
But, it was a rewarding tour. And, of course, you can
see so many funny incidents that would take me all
afternoon to go through that. But, in watching these kids,
the warming thing is to see this kid when he comes out at
the end of this training, and he is standing about eight
feet tall. He is so proud of himself. Then to see the
reaction of his father and mother when they see it. I've
seen many of the parents where the mother would look at the
kid, and some of those boys, we take as much as fifty
pounds off them. Well, the mother would hardly recognize
them and would break into tears. The father would be
beaming with pride. The kid would be proud of himself. They
were so proud of their kids. I've had several fathers get
me to the side and say, "Boy, what you did to the little
bastard. I've been trying to get him to call me sir for
years. Did you know that he called me sir today?" These
kids had caused quite a bit of trouble at home messing
around with the wrong crowd. That part of the tour was very
rewarding.
There were some stories . . . well, just as an example,
a drill instructor caught this one recruit, and he told him
to go over to the PX and buy an athletic supporter. Well,
he talked to the recruits and this one had not purchased
this athletic supporter as he was directed to do so. The
drill instructor asked him why he didn't. Well, the
youngster said that he was afraid to. The drill instructor
said, "Why are you afraid to buy an athletic supporter?"
The kid said, "Well, first of all, you made me buy a comb
and then you cut off all my hair. Next, you made me buy a
toothbrush and then you pulled all my teeth. I wasn't about
to buy an athletic supporter."
Another humorous thing was when a dentist friend told
that one Monday morning he had had a particularly enjoyable
week-end and had been out to a
big party on Sunday night. He was suffering from a
hangover. He was just visualizing the hundreds of mouths he
was to be looking into that week, because there is a large
dental detachment at all recruit depots since they have so
much work to do. The average youngster does not have his
teeth in all that good shape when he comes into the
service. The drill instructors require that in the barracks
there, they have an office right in the middle and their
platoons sleep on each end. Should someone want to talk to
the drill instructor, they have to stand squarely in the
doorway, "square to the hatch," they call it, and knock on
the lintel three times very loud. Many times the drill
instructor would purposely ignore them and make them do it
again because a lot of the training is to teach the kid not
to be scared. Some of them have never been aggressive in
their life and that is why a lot of the training is to
develop confidence in themselves, Well, it so happened that
the first recruit assigned to this young dentist came and
stood in the middle of the doorway. The dentist was there
with his head in his hands, as he told me. Well, this
recruit came and hit that side of the doorway three times
just like his DI told him to. Well, of course,. that
banging didn't help the dentist's head that particular
morning. The dentist looked up at the youngster and said,
"Son, why did you do that? Why don't you use your head?"
The kid said, "Aye, aye sir." And this kid stepped over and
he hit the door three times with his head. So, that just
showed the type of the discipline that they installed in
those kids down there. I've already given you my account of
Private Broadvent. That's another very humorous deal, So, I
won't repeat that. There were no other incidents. It was
just a challenging training of fine, young Americans, It
was very rewarding.
From Parris Island, I was assigned to the Naval War
College as a student. I went up there in 1960 to 1961. I
was very senior really to be going at
that time. I had had orders before to top level school.
They had been can-celled for me to have another job. This
was about the last chance that I would have. I was very
senior. In fact, the only senior one up there, be-sides the
vice-admiral in command of the school was a Mexican
admiral. We had a very pleasant year in Newport. It is a
very fine school there at the War College. We enjoyed the
whole curriculum and the challenge.
It turned out to be absolutely invaluable, because my
next assignment was to the Joint Staff in the Pentagon.
Having had this training at the Naval War College, just
like I would have received had I gone to the Army War
College or Air Force or even National War College, I was
familiar with Joint Staff procedures. I could then fit into
that job comfortably. I was in the J-3 Directorate of the
Joint Staff. I was in charge of one of the four sections.
It was called the General Operations section. We developed
the first big CPX again which we named "High Heels." There
was no good reason except that the project officer came up
with the name and my superiors bought it. They just wanted
a code name. That is still being run to this day. Fifteen
years later they still have an exercise every year. As far
as I know they still call it "High Heels." The idea was
that it would help the Joint Chiefs exercise their staffs.
Messages would go all over the world to the other
commanders on a general or special situations. It would run
on for several days. During this time, various
communications would have to be sent and decisions would
have to be made. It was just a good exercise. They still
have them going on. I also was in charge with starting the
organization which is now called the "War Room." Before
that, it was a very small sort of communications center.
The only one that really had a command center was the Air
Force. The Joint Chiefs, in fact, in those days availed
themselves of the sophisticated communication equipment and
data processing
Army, and Navy are all larger and they have to have a
larger number of people involved in this thing. That was
very interesting of course. Then, right after that, was the
Cuban Crisis. I was there when President Kennedy was
assasinated. I'll never forget that day. It came over the
loudspeaker. They gave the announcement that they had shot
President Kennedy.
[Now where did you say that your office was?]
I was at the Headquarters, Marine Corps. Now,
Headquarters, Marine Corps is not in the Pentagon. It is in
what they call the Navy Annex. That is right up the hill.
It is right up the hill from the Pentagon.
[So, it isn't part of the Navy Yard is it?]
No, we have our museum down there, but it is not even
close to the Navy Yard. It is just up the hill and looks
down on the Pentagon. It was built as a warehouse for the
Pentagon. So, for elevators, they still have these freight
elevators.
[What kind of pandemonium resulted when the announcement
was made of the Kennedy Assassination? What kind of
reaction?]
The reaction was shock and disbelief. Kennedy was very
popular with the Marines. He was pro-Marines. So, naturally
that would make him popular with us.
[I think I recall that we were placed on alert
immediately.]
Yes. We went into this DEFCON as they call them. Defense
Conditions A, B, C, and on down, or one, two, three, four,
five. We formed up a round-the-clock watch and we took
turns on it. There was always a brigadier general or a
major general, there was always a general officer
available. He would spend the night right there by our "War
Room" He would be available for any queries from the
Pentagon or to pass on any word that required a decision
from the "Decision Maker" like the Commandant or the Chief
of Staff or one of
little nine-hole golf course out there, and when they
built it, being in the biggest sand box in the United
States, they had to import sand for the traps. If you put
that sand out there in the trap, with the coming of the
first rain the collenchyma on the sand would just harden
and your golfball would just bounce right out of the trap.
When you flew over that area where Patton trained, you
could still see the tank tracks. Way back from World War II
he had trained there and he built this huge sand table in
the desert with cat walks around it in which he perfectly
depicted that section of the desert. It must have been
about as big as a football field. It was about fifty square
yards. He would conduct these instructions to his officers
and his subordinates would to his junior officers on these
things. They would go out there and practice them, and they
have it still out there. People have stolen a lot of
lumber. They should have made that a state park. We used to
go out there for picnics with our wives and children. We
would take troops out there to see it.
It was a very interesting area dotted with these oases.
They had a big exercise out there while I commanded and it
extended from the Colorado River on over into my command.
They had two armored divisions, the 1st and 2nd Armored.
They had airborne divisions out there. The Army conducted
massive maneuvers, the Army Air Force. I was a Marine
observer on this and enjoyed
it thoroughly. I got to know both of the commanders of
the armored divisions. They were great commanders. I would
fly from one to the other and it was great fun because I
knew what the other fellow was going to do. I couldn't tell
them. Of course, they didn't want me to. It was extremely
interesting. One section of that reservation is where they
trained the Apollo for the moon deal. There is this one
section that looks very much like the moon. There is this
other place just off the base they call "Big Rock," and
that's where
all of the people who believe in these unidentified
flying objects (UFO)
meet once a year. There is a fellow that owns a
restaurant there. He claims that one of them landed there.
In fact, he had a daughter, and she still claimed that she
was impregnated by one of these martians. He believed it I
guess, because she got away with the story. It was an
interesting area to be in. We met some of the most
interesting people we have ever met. There were very
talented artists there. Some of the movie stars like James
Cagney and Ralph Bellemy had places out there. Everyone was
very informal.
So, from there I received orders to Vietnam as General
Westmoreland's operation officer. They had formed what they
would call the Combat Operations Center.
[This is now 1965?]
Yes. All the services wanted the job. But, the Chief of
Staff finally decided that the Marines rated it. So, I was
sent over to that job. [Had you received your second star
by this time?]
No. I received that just before I came home from that
job in late 1966.
William K. Jones January 28, 1977
Interview #4
I reported into San Francisco to the Marine command for
further air transportation overseas to Vietnam. I arrived
in Vietnam on the twenty-fourth of December in 1965. The
Military Assistance Command Vietnam, referred to as MACV,
had taken over several hotels of different sizes in Saigon
and turned them into BAQ and enlisted men's quarters for
those people assigned to the headquarters. Rooms were
assigned according to rank. Since I was a brigadier
general, I was assigned a suite consisting of a bedroom and
a living room and a bath. The hotels were very run down. It
wasn't a very comfortable living, but it was adequate. The
meals were prepared in the hotel by the Army cooks. They
were on the whole very good. In the hotel, there was an
officer's bar. That was the entire amount of
entertainment.
I reported in to MACV and was assigned to the J-3
Section. I was told that I was to take over a newly formed
center within this rather
large section called the Combat Operation Center. This
was similar in concept to the National Command Center in
the Pentagon or in any of the service's headquarters. It
was here that the day by day operations of the war were
handled. The directions from General Westmoreland or his
designated staff officers to go out to the field would go
through the regular communication center. This was very
large and was not part of the Combat Operation Center.
A file was kept on everything that went out in the
Combat Operation Center and all incoming messages. It was
maned twenty-four hours. It was worked completely by three
separate teams of officers and enlisted
men who were specialists in their various fields in
intelligence, operations, personnel, or logistics. It was
our job if we got a request to come up with a recommended
solution. I had a certain amount of authority to go ahead
and authorize. Then, there were other things that I would
have to take up to the J-3 for his authorization. If he was
not in town or in his office, then I would go to the chief
of staff.
The J-3 at that time was General William Depure. He is a
four star general at Fort Monroe ATC at present. The chief
of staff was then a major general and later became a four
star general, General William Rosson. They were extremely
fine gentlemen, very smart, very bright.
General Westmoreland, who was also a very inspiring man
and a very dedicated man, would leave every morning at
about 7:30. He would get in-to his office at about 6:30 or
7:00 and would try to leave for the field at about 7:30. He
would usually get in from the field about 5:00. Then, he
would work in the office and get home for dinner at about
8:00. This was his routine about seven days a week. So,
naturally, mine was fashioned after his. General Depure,
the J-3, and the chief of staff were not able to leave
headquarters very often because there were many diverse
responsibilities. If General Westmoreland was going North,
he wanted me to go South and vice versa. His assistant
commander of MACV would also go out. So, I would have to
find out where my two seniors were. The assistant commander
of MACV was a three star lieutenant general of the Army. I
had to find out where they were, and it was my job to go
where they were not going.
[This is actually out in the combat zone?]
Yes.
I had under my operational control as the Director of
the Combat Operations Center an Army aviation company which
had both Army Huey helicopters and fixed wing observation
aircraft. So, I could either fly fixed wing or go by
helicopter.
After we would get in that evening, General Westmoreland
would want both of us to tell what we saw. He would tell us
what he saw and the problems he had run into and listen to
what problems we had run into. Then he would give his
orders as to what to do about them. This was a normal
routine for our day. Our job was to visit not only the
major commands, but also to visit the Army Special Forces
small outposts along the boarder. Here they would have a
handful of Army green beret, and the rest would be either
Chinese mercenary, or Vietnamese popular forces rather than
their regular forces. We also visited the advisors. We had
American advisors at all corps, division, regiment, and
battalion levels with the South Vietnamese Army, Navy, and
Air Force. Normally after I had re-ported to General
Westmoreland and if it were a light day and there w
no dispatches to higher authorities, I would get back to
my hotel at about 7:00.
After about a month, I was assigned a villa that had
been taken over by MACV. All general officers were assigned
villas. Sometimes they were assigned two or three of them.
In those days, we were allowed to have stewards. I brought
one steward from the States. The Marine Corps sent out what
they called a general officers mess kit which had dishes
and kitchen equipment. So, my steward set up this villa for
me. I invited the five senior Marine colonels that were
assigned to MACV to live with me.
{1 am surprised that the Viet Cong did not try to attack
these villas in an attempt to knock out the high ranking
officers.]
These villas were surrounded by high walls. They were
French villas style. A lot of them probably did belong to
the French before they were run out of Saigon. They were
surrounded by barbed wire and broken glass on top of these
walls. They had a twenty-four hour police guard on
them.
[So, they were properly secured.]
Yes.
This was closer to headquarters, but I still was
assigned a car with a Vietnamese driver. We all showed our
plates with our rank on them. We drove all around Saigon to
show that we weren't going to be intimidated by the Viet
Cong. At the same time, we never walked to work. That was
just too obvious. We worked in uniform and wore uniforms
all the time. We hardly ever wore civilian clothes. There
were some times when General Westmoreland would invite you
over for dinner, and he might designate civilian-attire.
That would simply mean slacks and a short sleeved shirt.
Normally, everyone wore their short sleeve khaki uniform
unless you went out in the field, and then you wore your
field uniform. So, I was in my field uniform most of the
time.
I didn't go out in the field on Sundays. I would still
work, but that was the day that I would normally go to
church. Then I would go to the office and catch up on some
of the paper work that had piled up. If for some reason I
had an appointment on Sunday out in the combat zone, why
then I
would go on out; otherwise, I attended my normal
routine.
There was very little that the officers had for
diversion. There were some fairly good places to eat out in
Saigon. The Circled Sportiff was a
French club and a good place to eat. It was purely
French at one time. They did not allow the Vietnamese in
this club. After the Vietnamese took it over,
it was a Vietnamese club. The various members of
diplomatic community used it. Any officer in the American
Armed Forces could use it. They had a pretty good dining
room. They also had a swimming pool and some tennis courts.
I never used these but some of the officers did.
[Did you really have time for diversions like
these?]
No. That's why I never used it. Some of the officers
seemed to find time. In my job, I certainly didn't find
time. They had movies but it was just too difficult to get
transportation to them. They had them at the BOQ. I used to
go watch a movie before I moved in my villa. This helped
kill time at night. After that, there wasn't anything for
diversion other than to read a novel. That was about the
size of our daily routine there.
During the period while I was there, they had the
Buddhist uprising up in the I Corps. The I Corps in Vietnam
was commanded by the Marines under General Westmoreland.
The first ground combat troups to arrive in Vietnam was the
Third Marine Division. They were sent down from Okinawa and
they landed at Da Nang. A few months later, the First
Marine Division arrived from Camp Pendleton. It became
known as The Third Marine Amphibious Force. Their operating
area was the I Corps. The Vietnamese commanding general was
called the Commanding General of I Corps. His headquarters
was in Da Nang. He was a Marine three star general. They
were responsible for the northern four provinces.
In the spring of 1965, the Buddhist rose in protest
against the Vietnamese government. They were burning
themselves, and having mob scenes,
and trying to break down the government. The U.S. troops
had the responsibility to try to keep some semblance of
order and not have a massacre occur. It was a very ticklish
situation.
[Just how were you supposed to react to this?]
Well, for instance, I recall one incident that happened
up at Da Nang. I was not there at the time, but I used to
go up there often. Sometimes I would spend the night up
there, because I had many friends in Da Nang. It was
sometimes more convenient to go up there and spend the
night and take the next day going to some other part of
this big corps area. The I Corps was at that time the
hottest area. This was the corps area nearest to North
Vietnam.
At one time the II Corps area was the hottest. That was
the time when they came throught the Hai Du'ang Valley up
on the plateau and tried to split South Vietnam in half.
That was very very hot at one time, but at this time it was
not.
The Vietnamese regular forces were coming across the
bridge going into Da Nang. They were going into the
Buddhist courtyard to burn it down. So, General Walt sent
his operations officer to meet them who happened to be
Colonel John Chaisson. He went down to the bridge and
bluffed them out of it. The Vietnamese commander said, "If
you don't move aside, I am going to shoot you." He bluffed
them out of it. Later Colonel Chaisson became the Chief of
Staff of the Marine Corps. Unfortunately, he died of a
heart attack shortly after he retired four years ago as a
lt. general. He was a very fine man. That's one example of
the thing.
The Buddhist were also after various commanders. The
commanders would be chased out by the Buddhist. Then,
Saigon would send in a replacement,
and he would get chased out. They would always come
running to the Marine commander who was Lt. Gen. Walt at
the time. General Walt would hide them under his bed
literally until he could get them out and get them across
to where the I Corps Command Post was in a different part
of Da Nang. General Walt wrote a book on this, and I have
it here someplace, so, I'm not going to go into this any
further. I will loan the book to you if you'd like. You can
check out anything that you need to amplify.
Being familiar with the capabilities as well as the
limitations of amphibious operations dealing with a coast
line of tremendous length of over a thousand miles, we
would ask for these various landings by the
7th Fleet who had with them at all times a reinforce
battalion of Marines. They were not under the operational
control of General Westmoreland, but he was allowed to move
that float battalion up and down the coast where he
considered he might have to use them as a strategic
reserve, or have them land just to support some hard
pressed situation. I was allowed to move them and keep him
informed as to why I did it. Sometimes, if an operation was
coming off in any of the corps areas, he would want them to
be down there. That included the supporting Naval
gunfire.
The Three MAF provided what was referred to as the
ANGLITO which was the Air Naval Gunfire Liason Team. This
was made up of both Marine and Navy officers and the
necessary communicators with the communication equipment.
They worked with Army units in calling in Navy and Marine
air strikes or naval gunfire. In addition, we would work
out in conjunction with the 7th Fleet various battalion
size raids. We would send them in, not with the idea of
advancing inland all that far, but to go in for some
particular reason.
One such incursion took place up in the I Corps area.
The Marines of I Corps in this operation swept towards this
Marine battalion that had landed from the sea in back of
the enemy. Therefore, they caught them in a vise. This was
a very successful operation.
Another landing operation in which we used the battalion
was to go into the RUNG SAT Special Zone or the approaches
to Saigon. This river that led up to Saigon for many many
miles would wind through this swamp which was very large
and very densely forested. It was sort of a Cypress Garden
effect. The Viet Cong would hide out in there. There were
little patches of high ground where you could build huts.
They would build platforms above the water. For centuries
it had been used by pirates. These pirates would hide in
there and prey on the shipping that was going up to Saigon
and down from Saigon. The Viet Cong would do the same
thing. They would also go in and raid the outskirts of
Saigon and then fall back in there. It was almost
impossible to get them out of there. We did have a fairly
successful operation by putting the Marines in there and
using their boats to go through the channels. They were
just sweeping through there and at least harrassing them.
Of course, it is very hard to corner anyone in something
like that.
When I first arrived there, there wasn't any really
agreed upon doctrine about amphibious operations. So, I
made the point with the MACV Headquarters and received
their permission to get together with the Seventh Fleet
representatives and the representatives from the Marine
Corps command in Pearl Harbor. We would draw up an
agreement as to how the amphibious operations would be
conducted in that theater. This was done and completed by
the late Spring of 1966. This was hammered out in
accordance with the joint doctrine that had been agreed to
in Washington by three of the four services. The
Army, Navy and Marines had agreed to it, but the Air
Force had not signed it. This caused quite a bit of
difficulty.
The first Air Force commander, General Joe Moore, was a
very easy-going man. We didn't have very much trouble with
him. We started having more and more of these amphibious
operations.
His successor, General Momyer, was very much against the
principle that
he did not have complete control over the air space
involved in any amphibious operation. That air space
belongs to the fleet commander in the amphibious operation
until the operation is over. The fleet commander is
responsible for carrying out the mission. In other words,
he is assigned a mission to seize an objective whether an
island or piece of terrain. He has his Marines to project
his power ashore to do that.
[Well, in an amphibious operation like that, would you
use more helicopter support than you would fixed wing?]
No. You use fixed wing for your close air support. You
use Naval gun-fire and fixed wing aircraft to prepare the
landing zone to get your troops in and get your artillery
set up. Then, your fixed wing aircraft has to continue to
give you close air support. This is until you're in a
position that if you would continue on . . . and this is a
Naval operation . . . why then you would put up your
expeditionary airfields, and the carriers would back off.
The Marine aircraft would come ashore. This was nothing
like that of course. It was just a matter of during the
duration of this thing. General Momyer didn't want that. He
wanted to control all the airspace. There was a continual
battle with the Air Force as to what control they had over
the Marine aircraft. Finally, it was worked out in
agreement under the overall supervision of General
Westmoreland and MACV, because both the Air
Force and the Marine Air belonged under him. He did see
and allow the Marine Air Corps to support the Marines. They
had trained together and talked the same language and
understood the air ground team concept. The Marine Air did
support Army units. The Army units liked to work with the
Marines. The Vietnamese units were supported by the Marine
Air. The Air Force was given the authority to assign them
to support the Army. This was just so many at a certain
time.
One time General Westmoreland had to go out of the
country to a conference back at Pearl Harbor with SEAN PAC.
One of these things was going on. Well, General Momyer was
the next senior general, so he was acting MACV commander.
Although the operation had already been agreed upon, he
said they would not do it that way. So, it was a very
ticklish position, but the Chief of Staff finally convinced
him that he should go ahead and do it under the original
arrangement. Afterwards, he could complain to General
Westmoreland who was due to arrive the next day back in the
country.
{Well, that would have been countermanding General
Westmoreland's orders.] Right.
He said, "Well, that's my responsibility, and I will
explain it to him. This isn't the way to do it." So, we got
over that.
When I first came there, General Westmoreland had
directed that he wanted an amphibious operation. He
directed the senior Naval officer on his staff, who was
called the Commander of Naval Forces of Vietnam and was a
Rear Admiral, to come up to work with his MACV staff and
come up with a plan for such a deal. So, we did. The Navy
briefed General Westmoreland on the plan. My staff, as well
as the Navy staff, was under the impression that General
Westmoreland had agreed to it. So, we went ahead and got
the
concurrence with the 7th Fleet commander. When the time
was running near, General Westmoreland said that he wanted
to go over that once more. When he did, he said, "I want to
change this and this. I'm going to do this and this and
this."
I had to go to him. I had to give him the joint doctrine
which had been signed. I had a copy of it. I took it to the
Chief of Staff. I pointed out that the commander of the 7th
Fleet, Vice Admiral Johnny Highland, couldn't agree to do
that. It was his responsibility and he was in command until
this thing was over. General Westmoreland was to tell him
what he wanted done, but Highland had to be in command.
General Westmoreland was going to change that arrangement
which he was used to doing in his own command of MACV. This
was a joint operation using forces that were assigned to
him only for this purpose. They were in support of him. So,
he came in from the field rather later that night. He
didn't get in until aroung six or seven. He was dirty and
hot and anxious to get on home to a shower and get some
dinner. The Chief had me stand by, and he went in. Boy,
pretty soon, I was called in. I went in. General
Westmoreland was absolutely furious. He said, "Jones, I
understand you say I can't run my command the way I want to
run it."
I told him, "No sir."
Here I am a. brigadier general and here is this four
star madman. He was prancing up and down in back of his
desk. He was really exercised. That's the only time I ever
saw him that angry. I saw him for special reasons several
times after that. He didn't know me very well then.
I said, "Well, General, this is how it's written. It is
my duty as one of your staff officers to tell you that it
would not be at all politic to
do this, because it will go clear back to the Joint
Chiefs of Staff." It would have, too.
So, he said, "Where does it say that?"
So, I handed it to him, and he looked at it, got mad,
and threw the book on the desk.
He said, "I don't give a damn. President Johnson told me
that I was going to run this war, and by God, I'm going to
run it."
So, then there was a silence. The Chief was embarrassed.
He had evidently been chewed out. So, we just stood
there.
Then, he glared at me and said, "Well, what do you
suggest we do?" So, I suggested that we send for Admiral
Highland. Because, I said,
"You'll find out, I assure you, that his position is
going to have to be. . . ." He said, "Well, send for
Johnny."
So, we sent a message out and requested that Admiral
Highland fly in from his fleet for a meeting the next
morning.
By the next morning, General Westmoreland was all
simmered down after a good night's sleep. I think the next
morning was Sunday, and he didn't usually go out in the
field on Sunday either. We had the conference. It was
behind closed doors, and I wasn't allowed in there. They
came out after a while. Admiral Highland told him that it
was right and that General Westmoreland had to back out of
the operation. So, after that, why every-thing was all
right.
[Westmoreland could be pretty rough when he wanted.
He could be very rough. I found out. He didn't know me,
I was fairly new. After that, he seemed to have absolute
confidence in me.
[Well, on an amphibious operation where you have the air
support, how can it be well coordinated if you had the Air
Force in control of the air space?]
Well, it couldn't be. Their system is not the same as
the Marine Corps. There's been a running fight on this for
years. The Army preferred the Marines' system of close air
support.
The Air Force concept of close air support to the ground
troops is simply not the same as what the ground troops
concept is, Army or Marines. This is understandable. Their
concept for instance during the second war stated that
close air support was anything out to five or six or seven
hundred miles. Close air support to the Army or Marine
corps means inter-diction of the battlefield right in front
of you. This out to where the enemy might have his reserves
mobilized not more than 10,000 yards. Well, maybe you go
beyond the range of artillery. Our concept also was that we
had ground control officers with the communications right
down there with the ground troops. So, these were guys that
knew how to fly the airplane. They knew the capabilities
and limitations. They could talk to the pilot in a language
that they both understood. You'd give that fellow the
target that you wanted to hit, and he would send that
message to his buddy up in the sky, and he'd hit it. If
you'd try to send a message back to a central control area,
which is basically the way the Air Force wanted to run it,
and you wanted to hit the target in a square of a map
giving map coordinates, there is no way.
{It's like dropping bombs in the jungle almost.]
Worse, you drop bombs on your own troops. Basically,
that is what it was.
My tour with General Westmoreland was very, very
fulfilling. I didn't go on R & R. The reason is that my
wife and I had a personal tragedy. We lost our sixteen year
old son just five months before I had to go overseas. So,
when General Westmoreland asked me if I would stay on with
him for an extra year, I explained to him why I couldn't. I
was afraid that if I went back on R & R, it would be
too hard on both of us to part again.
After Vietnam, I went back to headquarters, Marine
Corps. I had been promoted by General Westmoreland about a
couple of weeks before I left. I had made two stars at this
time. Since I had missed the previous Christmas away from
my family, I went home a week prior to Christmas. I arrived
home during the Christmas period. I had left my family in
Washington while I served in Vietnam, so, I moved right
back into this house.
After Christmas season and my leave was up, I reported
to headquarters of the Marine Corps where I was assigned
initially as the relief of Director of Personnel. General
Walt had come back. The commandant wanted to keep his three
stars for him. So, the only way that DOD would agree to
this would be that if he created a Deputy Chief of Staff
for Manpower. He would be called the Director of Personnel
and would have charge of both the personnel department and
the G-1 Division. The Marine Corps at that time was
organized on the general staff system. That's the G-1, 2,
3, 4, etc. Then, you had the personnel department and the
quartermaster general up in the supply department. It's all
been changed now into functional organizations. The other
services had gone to this. We were the last to go to it.
That made my title be the Assistant Director of Personnel.
I had the same office and the same duty as the old director
of personnel.
That period was very interesting and educational to me.
We were in a period of very rapid expansion because of the
Vietnam war. We finally ended up at over 320,000 Marines.
These were all recruited and trained and shipped over so
that we could keep up our pipeline. At that time, a
third
of the Marine Corps was in Vietnam, and a third of the
Corps was on their way home, and the other third was on
their way out on training status. We, like other services,
were trying to stick to a one year tour of duty for the
men. This was much better than the second war where you
went out and stayed out. This was too much to ask of a man
and his family. There were many challenges.
I enjoyed working for General Chapman who was the
commandant. I admired him very much. He instituted many new
managerial procedures. He required all of his general
officers to attend data processing school. I was required
to go to the IBM executive course on data processing.
We developed a system of resource management and the
acronym was MACPEPRS. Every two weeks, we would all have to
brief our portion of this book which was kept up to date.
It had various charts of all the progress. It was a
progress report. It was a reporting system. For instance,
in personnel, you had such things as your goals on either a
bar chart or straight line graph as to what your recruiting
goals were and then how you were meeting those goals. This
would help tell whether you were meeting those goals or
falling short. Then, you would take the corrective actions.
The same thing happened to reenlistments and the same thing
happened to casualties and all those things. The G-1 had
the same thing. He had to project how many men he had to
come up with a budget card of the personnel part of the
budget. The G-4 had to keep track of all his resources and
the
G-3 kept track of all his training resources and so
forth. Then, we'd brief these reports to the commandant and
the rest of the staff. Each week we had a briefing on
MACPEPRS. That way, we would get our instructions from the
commandant as to what to do about it and talk out the
problems. It was a very fine system. When we get to my tour
as CGF from FPAC, I will refer to it again.
After two years there, I was sent back to Vietnam to
command the Third Marine Division. I relieved General Ray
Davis. At that time, the 3rd Marine Division had moved from
Da Nang and was now responsible for the Quang Tri
Province.
[This is in 1968? J
This was in April, 1969 when I relieved General Davis.
We were the closest province to the DMZ. We had quite a bit
of activity in the Quang Tri Province considering that the
war had simmered down quite a bit. This was after Khe San
and after Hue and the Tet offensive in Hue.
General Davis had developed a system of fire support.
This consisted of picking a mountain top, clearing it, and
leveling it enough so that you could implant one battery of
light artillery. This battery consisted of 105 Guns carried
in by helicopter. Everything had to be carried in by
helicopter. That one battery then only required one rifle
company to protect it on this small perimeter. It was very
defensible sitting on top of the mountain. They would be
well dug in with lots of barbed wire. The ground troops
would operate out from there. This is not the security
company, but the rest of the regiment would move against
the enemy. They would then have artillery support.
[This would be the base?]
This would be the base. There would be lots of them. As
the action moved on, then you would establish other such
bases. Then, you would just abandon the older bases and
clean them out and blow everything up so at the enemy
couldn't use them. They were wide open, so that any enemy
that moved up there could be strafed right off of it. You
just had no mobility for your artillery in that very dense
jungle. You would run into an open field ever so often.
These fire support bases supported the troops that were
operating very close to the Laotian and Cambodian
border.
Khe San was a special forces camp at one time and then
later on expanded into a Marine fire support base. Then, it
was abandoned after the Tet Offensive. There was no sense
then in keeping it out there. It had served a very fine
purpose because it tied up Nhoc who made a serious
strategic error because he didn't want to bypass that. It
was astride his main supplies line which ran down this
valley that ran to Hue. It ran straight as an arrow from
the Laotian border and the Ho Chi Minh trail that came down
on the other side of that border. So, he tied up two
divisions trying to take Khe S an during the Tet Offensive.
Had he had those two divisions to throw against Hue and
just contained the forces at Khe San with maybe a regiment,
the battle of Hue might have turned out a lot different.
That's why we kept Khe San. He didn't figure that out.
There was a lot of public complaint about Westmoreland
having these Marines bombed. We had casualties of course,
but we would have had a lot more casualties had Hue
fallen.
We would have them come across the DMZ and raid our
various refugee villages. We pretty well had cleared the
Viet Cong intrastructure in that whole province. We were
very active in civic affair type activities in
helping the people rebuild their little villages and
rebuild the dikes so that they could replant their rice. We
would use our Marine bulldozers
to pull their plows because many of their water
buffaloes had been killed.
[This is part of the pacification program?]
Yes.
We would run what we called the County Fair to dig out
ever so often. After a time, fewer and fewer of them were
necessary. You go in and try to flush out the Viet Cong,
but you'd also take your doctor and dentist and they'd
treat the sick. We built hospitals and orphanages and
helped them rebuild their churches. This is all part of the
pacification deal.
We were very busy doing that and also doing a fair
amount of fighting. Sometimes we would sweep for a couple
of weeks to clean out. We would find out that a North
Vietnam regiment or battalion had moved across the DMZ.
They didn't pay any attention to it. They just moved across
it and supplied themselves across it, and it was just a
farce as far as they were concerned. We were not allowed to
go across it. We could bomb in it if we had something to
shoot at, but we could not shoot on the other side of
it.
I got to know some of the Vietnam people. I knew General
Truong, a Major General, who had command of the First ARVN
division which was their finest. That was the division
responsible for the same area as I was. They were also
responsible for the next province. So, he had one of the
regiments right out by my CP's really. So, General Truong
and I got to be fairly close.
I would go down to his headquarters in Hue. He would
tell me about the Battle in Hue where the enemy had tried
to find him, his wife, and two young children. He just
barely got them away. They just got out of there about a
block before the North Vietnamese surrounded the house.
Well, at this time, were you very closely coordinating
your combat operations with the Vietnamese operations or
were you operating fairly independent?]
No, we worked very closely. We would keep them informed
and they would keep us informed. We also had joint
operations.
Now effective were they as fighting men?]
They were very fine. They were tough and well
disciplined. These were the Regular Army units. But, this
one was really good. Their army units vary just like our
army units vary. If I wanted to have an operation and have
one of his regiments support it in one way or another, all
I had to do was to brief General Truong, and he would say,
"Okay." Sometimes, he would want to do an operation and I
would support him.
We did have separate areas of responsibility, and we
wouldn't try to get all mingled up. He had an operating
zone that was assigned to him by his boss who was the
commanding general of "I" Corps, a Three Star ARVN general.
He worked closely with the commanding general of the 3 MAF
who was a Three Star Marine General for the whole
corps.
They later developed a 24th Corps with headquarters up
in Hue. It was responsible for the northern two provinces
and subordinated 3 MAF. It was commanded by an Army Three
Star General but subordinate to 3 MAF. The commanding
general of the 24th Corps would then work very closely with
General Truong who had the responsibility for those two
provinces.
The 24th Corps had two divisions under its operational
patrol. They were the 3rd Marine Division which was my
division, and the 101st Airborne.
[This war functioned logistically completely different
from what you experienced in W. W. II and Korea, did it
not?]
Yes. It did.
You see most of the supplies would be brought in
through. the port of Da Nang for the area that I talked
about. Then they would be shipped by truck or helicopter to
the various supply depots . or ammo dumps. Then, you would
have a forward logistics' base.
For instance, I had my division dumps in the vicinity of
Quang Tri City where part of my command post was located.
This part was the administrative part of my CP, and my
operational command post was located about 10 miles closer
to the DMZ at a place called Dong Ha, a little village.
There I also had a supply base. I had a supply base out
close to the Laotian border very close to the old Khe San
camp in the valley there. That was connected by a road to
Dong Ha which the Sea Bees eventually paved. This made the
mining much more difficult. Even so, we would lose a truck
every once in a while. Before they paved it and before we
would be able to use it, we had to put out our marines with
the mine sweepers. We would then get some of the sup-plies
out by truck, but most had to be carried by helicopter.
[Well, could you protect your supply dumps very well in
this type of warfare?]
Well, yes, because they were rather small. You couldn't
allow your forward ones to get too big, because you had to
keep troops around them to protect them. That way, you
could supply your troops that were maneuvering out in the
field. All of this supply was by helicopter.
[In the field of actual combat, your troops were
operating in smaller units than was used in W. W. II, were
they not?]
Well, yes.
They still would operate in company size patrol. You had
your reconnaisance units that would be sent out in four man
and six man patrols, usually you had company patrols. Many
times, you would have battalion patrols which were more
than a regular patrol. If you had an operation, and a
regiment was involved in sweeping this certain section, he
would maneuver his battalion just like in W. W. II. Then,
the battalion commander would also maneuver his companies.
Because of the terrain, the commanders directed their
maneuvers from helicopters. They had code names. You would
fly in to various landing zones that would be hacked out of
the forest.
[ The defoliation program, did that help any or just
help to cause bad publicity back home?]
That helped quite a bit. It did just what it said. It
was much more difficult for the enemy. You know they could
build a complete encampment with hospitals and repair shops
and supply dumps and rest areas under that jungle canopy.
You would never spot them. Once you stripped that jungle
canopy, your reconnaissance aircraft spotted them; and you
could drive them out of there. So that is why they did
that. Some places, they had to use these big roman plows.
They are these huge machines they use to clear forest areas
here. They brought those over to clear away from our camp
so that you could get a field of fire. They did that so
that they couldn't just sneak right up to your
perimeter.
[I reckon the question that I was trying to get to, but
was having difficulty wording it . . . the enemy was
operating more so in guerrilla fashion than they were in
previous wars. They were operating in smaller units.]
Right. In other words, we would get word that elements
of a certain regiment had crossed the DMZ and were up by
our forward supply place which we named Vandegrift. We
named all of these things after past commandants. Well,
naturally what I would try to do then was to contain this.
It was the Ninth Regiment of the North Vietnamese Army. We
tried to contain this before they got spread out and
started harassing the whole countryside.
[Did they normally fight as a regiment?]
Yes. They fought as a regiment, but you can't invision
this as being on the plains of Europe if you follow me.
They had their regimental command post which we would
overun, and they had their battalion command post. They had
their scheme of maneuvers. They would maneuver their
battalions and their companies around just like any outfit
does. They would also have their artillery supporting fire.
They didn't have any air. That was the big difference
between the Vietnamese and the Japanese in the Second War
who did have air support. They would try to upset what we
were doing and try to intimidate the local people. They
would try to send infiltrators back across the DMZ.
A river ran right up the middle of the DMZ named the Cua
Viet River. It really ran on our side of the center of the
DMZ up to Dong Ha. The Navy would patrol the river to keep
it free of mines. Then, some supplies would be glidered in
from the ships standing off shore. They were then brought
up the Cua Viet and unloaded at Dong Ha. So, we got
supplies that way.
Across from that mouth of the river right on the China
Sea, we had a camp in which we had tents and galley and so
forth. We would send a
company at a time there out of the lines and let them
drink beer or soda pop and give them as many steaks as they
could hold. We would let them sun bathe and swim and we
showed movies for them every night. We got in local USO
entertainment for them. This week would just do wonders for
these young boys. In that jungle, you would develop what
was referred to as "jungle rot." This is this big running
sore and such. The salt water and the sunshine in no time
flat would clear that problem right up. Of course, they
would be able to take a shower down there every day.
Other times, when I would fly around and visit, I would
find out that these styrofoam containers that the bombs
come in made excellent containers something like you might
buy down at People's Drug Store for ice. I would fill up a
couple of those sometimes with ice and beer and soda pop
and
things like that. Sometimes, I would fill them up with
ice cream. Sometimes, I would have my galley fix up a hot
meal of turkey and potatoes and all the trimmings. When I
would go in to visit them, why I would drop that off. Of
course, they were always happy to see the 'old man.' They
existed out in the jungle on one meal a day. We tried to
get one hot meal a day to them.
{ How great was the morale problem?]
I didn't run into too much of a morale problem until
towards the last years. It seemed to me that I could see
the effect of all these newspaper and magazine articles
about how we were all wrong and the enemy was right and how
we were committing all the atrocities. They couldn't see
all the atrocities that we saw day after day where they
would blow up whole bus loads of school children. They
would go in and just wipe out a village and so forth. That
didn't affect the older men, but it did affect the younger
ones. We started running into more and more disciplinary
problems. We were
getting people who were trying to avoid going up to the
front and trying to go back in the rear areas and stay back
there. We refer to this as malingering in claiming imagined
illness and things like that. I think it got much worse
after I left. We didn't run into it all that much. We had
some in the Marine Units.
{Probably worse in the Army units.]
In some army units they had some. In a unit like the
101st Airborne where you have your highest breed, they
didn't have as many as they did in some other units. They
did have a lot in the AMERICAL Division, the one that was
involved in the terrible massacre thing. Some of the others
had problems too. Their really hot shot units didn't have
too much trouble.
That's what always distressed me. I have seen the U.S.
Army in three wars. I saw them in the Second War, Korea and
Vietnam, and I never saw a finer more professional Army
than they had over there in Vietnam. From the generals down
to the company commanders, the captains, the lieutenant
colonels, and the colonels, they were just splendid.
{Could that have been due to the fact that we had not
had that much of a break between the wars, and most of your
high ranking officers and commanders had had experience in
W. W. II or Korea?]
Well, it could have been that, but it was just pure
professionalism and very very high morale. Their esprit was
just as good as any in the Marine Corps as far as I could
see. All Marines agreed to this. We were proud of them.
They were Americans just like we were. Then, the way the
war was fought with the restrictions and the constant
harping of the liberal press, and the news reporters coming
up for interviews deteriorated morale. We would give them
interviews; and when it would come back a few weeks
later
either in a newspaper or in a national magazine, it
would be completely slandered from what you told them.
You would grab the guy and say, "Hey, Charlie, this
isn't what I've told you."
He'd say, "That isn't what I reported to the Saigon
office either."
They would just take the context and twist it around
with a few expressions, and it could take the context and
change it all. Sometimes, I suppose that this was done back
here in the states. When it came out, it wasn't anything
like the real thing. We would read this and see that it
wasn't accurate, and we resented this because we didn't
think it was telling a fair picture about what was going on
over there. So, that sort of thing kept going on.
The politicians tried this limited response stuff then
insisted on trying to make this work. We had hoped they had
learned a lesson with Korea. That's what happened to us in
Korea too. This was the first time in history. Before that,
if the diplomacy failed and we had to go to war, then it
was left up to the military to win the war. Then, the
diplomacy and politicians would decide what the peace was
going to look like. In Korea, they tried to get into the
act more. That was a no-win proposition too. This war, they
got into from the very first. The military would be blamed
for everything that went wrong. They would never come out
and say that there was a restriction on funds or
limitations on what we could do and all this. So, we lost
this war .
[Perhaps there is too much media?]
I don't think that it is a question of too much media,
because we had a lot of media during the Korean and W. W.
II right there with us on the
battlefield. I can't remember a W. W. II battle without
a lot of media. That's where I became very good friends
with Bob Sherrod who is a big Time and Life representative.
The media in those wars and the editors reported accurately
what was going on. Many of us think that the media was
biased in the Vietnam War and had a tremendous effect and
shares a great part of the responsibility for the decline
of morale. They also share a great part of the
responsibility for the casualties that we suffered. If we
could have gone in there and fought the war like any
military man in the world would have fought it, we could
have had that over within two years. The casualties on both
sides would have turned out to be a third of what they
turned out to be. There isn't any doubt in any professional
military man's mind about that. The media will not agree to
this of course, and they won't accept any responsibility.
They fallback on the old statement that
it is their duty to keep the American people informed.
We all agree to this, but the way the thing turned out, the
liberal press got more and more against the war. The
eastern liberal intellectual community decided that they
were very much against the war. The press followed
suite.
[You've had some very good things to say about General
Westmoreland. Were you generally in agreement in the way he
handled his command?]
Yes. I most certainly was. I think he did a find
job.
He was relieved by General Abrams whom I also admire
very highly. He was a different personality from General
Westmoreland, but every bit as fine a soldier. I think he
conducted it extremely well.
All the senior Army commanders that I ran into over
there did a splendid job. General Wyann was a spendid man
as well as a fine soldier. I think they just did an
extremely fine job.
It's just a shame that the army has reached what it has
today. It's just not in good shape for any professional
military man. This is what happens, of course, and we want
to be a citizen's Army and Marine Corps until you are put
at the mercy of a minority in the sense of activist.
The anti-war activists got into the act. They were
supported a great deal by a large part of the media, but
not all of them. They would publicize them and then not
give the other side any part of the picture. Television was
not fair to us. They would shoot shots just to achieve
certain effects. That's just like quoting out of
context.
[ Part of what you're referring to--, is this such
things as late in the war, they kept accusing the military
of distorting the figures as far as Viet Cong strength and
the American successes and this sort of thing?]
Yes. That type of thing. There were some honest mistakes
on both sides. I don't want to say there wasn't. I think
the military probably did make some mistakes in their
estimates of the enemy's strength or intentions.
[ These were honest mistakes rather than just
distortions?]
Oh, I am convinced. No one could convince me that any
military man purposely twisted or outright lied. We're just
not raised that way. The press just implied that we did.
They do this to anyone that doesn't answer the way they
wanted them to.
[ What about the Gulf of Tonkin business?]
I don't know anything about that except my personal
views that that was a normal reaction in those days. After
all, we had a national policy such as it was of
containment.
[This caused such a stir in the press. I just wondered
if it had any repercussions.)
The politicians share a large blame. I have some friends
in congress who don't like to admit this. God, what effect
it had on the enemy and us when nationally recognized men
like Mansfield, Church, McGovern, and McCarthy would come
out with these statements that the war was wrong and that
this was just an internal civil war. This was not an
invasion. Just because the North Vietnamese crossed the DMZ
and invaded South Vietnam, that really couldn't be
considered an invasion. We didn't understand that logic. We
would capture prisoners and find on them in their language
these reports from their government of what Senator
Mansfield said in the United States Senate. So, hang in
there boys because the war can't last very much longer for
the Americans. So, this sort of thing built their morale.
They would tell us.
[They were using this type of thing fully as propoganda
for their troops.]
Oh, why not:: What could be more perfect?!
The more cocky ones who were not wounded or anything
would say to us, "Look right there. Your own senators say
this. You had a big riot in Washington with thousands of
marchers against the war. Of course we are going to win. Of
course::.."'
That kept their morale up. At one time, their morale was
just
down to here. We were winning the war just like
Westmoreland was claiming. In the military sense, we were
winning it. We don't ask to be considered judges on how we
were doing on the political or international front.
Militarily, we were doing the job. Boy, this congress. . .
more and more of
those guys saw that it was popular with the activist and
the liberal press to resist the war and they would be sure
to get coverage. With the Eastern Establishment, these
politicians just jumped right on the band wagon. They
surely couldn't have realized the great succor they were
giving to the enemy that was shooting at their own fellow
Americans. A couple of times a few years after the war some
of them started to bring that out. Boy, it was clamped down
and papers didn't give it the high-lights because they
don't want to hear that. If you tried to bring it out now,
they would just say, "You're just trying to be divisive.
You're just mad because Carter granted the amnesty." They
would rattle on with all this kind of stuff. It will come
out in history someday. Twenty-five or thirty years from
now, some writer will pick this up as his theme, and it
will be very interesting because it is there. It's was
obvious as it can be.
[The Marine forces that were there were in somewhat of a
different type of war so they say. How had the training
that the Marine Corps had been in for the past few years
preceding that, how effective was it for this jungle
warfare?]
When we first went in, we had to improvise. We had never
fought this type of war. The closest we had come to it had
been back in the Twenties and early Thirties in what we
referred to as the 'Banana Wars' that we fought down in
Central and South America, mostly Central America. We had
books on it. We had the equipment. For instance, we still
had pack howitzers. This is the type that can be broken
down and put on an animal and be packed, or it can be
carried then by two or three or four men.
They first improvised this thing called the 'County
Fair' of which I'm sure you're familiar. That was a Marine
Corps improvisation. They
had the Civil Action teams where they would put these
Marines out in the villages. They would just be accepted by
the villagers. They would help them with their wells and
this and that and the other thing. They would train their
little popular forces. These were the local forces. That
was a Marine improvisation, too. It was later taken over by
all MACV and went with various variations to fit whatever
job was required.
General Davis' Fire Support Base concept which was
mentioned earlier up in the Quang Tri Province was an
improvisation. It was also used by the Army. The Army used
that concept before we did. General Davis' group were the
first Marines to start using it. They refined it. The Army
wasn't any better trained than we were for it.
I remember when General Wyann brought the Army 25th
Division from Hawaii into the Third Corps area into what
was referred to as the "Iron Triangle." It was located up
around the old Michelin rubber plantation up northwest of
Saigon. One of the first things that he did was have me
brief him. I was on General Westmoreland's staff then. He
wanted to know how the Marines operated, and then he went
up and started spending a couple of days with the Marines.
He came back and started doing the County Fair thing and
some of the other things.
Whenever the Army or Marines would have some innovation
that looked good, then we would tell each other about it.
As these lessons continued, we built mock villages to show
how to search out a village and where the Viet Cong would
hide. They would have false hearths for instance where they
would hide under. They would have false floors with places
underneath them. They would have false walls. You had to
know how to search a village.
The idea of the County Fair was to move all of the
villagers out into an area with tents in which you had food
and entertainment and medical attention for them. Then, you
would sweep through the village and inspect minutely. While
the villagers were out there they were screened by the
Vietnamese police to try to pick out who were the strangers
in the thing. They would try to find out who were the ones
intimidating this group by threatening to kill the village
chief or his wife or family.
[What was the attitude of the average Vietnamese toward
the war?]
Mostly, he was scared to death. All the villager wanted
to have was to be left alone in his village. He was
intimidated by the Viet Cong who made him feed them and
take care of their wounded. Then, they would take away the
young men, and sometimes the young women and kidnap them.
So,
the villagers hated the war. A great many of their young
men went voluntarily as a great many young men do listening
to the adventure promised or the propoganda from the V C.
Others would go to the South Vietnamese. They had a draft.
So, the attitude of the average villager is like you can
imagine. They wished they didn't have a war.
I think that was much too broad a brush that the media
used to paint the sky. They would quote all these people
like Jane Fonda. When people like Fonda and Ramsey Clark
would go to Hanoi, you can imagine what effect that had for
the propaganda for the enemy to use against our own
people.
Certainly there was corruption in the South Vietnamese
government. It's just like there has been corruption on
Capitol Hill. This is the oriental type. These are oriental
people. They're not going to change just because you say
it's a no no.
I remember the commandant of the Vietnamese Marine
Corps, General Khang, had protested that he did not want to
be in command. Marshall Khi put him in command of the Third
Corps area. It had always been under the, Army. Khang told
me personally that in the first month he was offered bribes
totaling up to three million dollars. He locked up all the
people who tried to bribe him. He never took a cent.
General Khang went to Marine Corps school, and we would
talk to them about honor and integrity. This little thin
wiry man believed in it. He was a staunch man and a very.
fine man. They had their very fine people.
[What about operation "Golden Fleece?' That is usually
spoken of as very closely related to 'County Fair'.]
I was not on that operation. I was not in the country at
that time. It was a very successful Marine operation. It
involved a large number of Marines and ARVN troops. It
employed these county fairs and sweeping of areas trying to
eliminate local enemy regular forces. They did this. It was
a very successful operation as I recall it.
There were five provinces in the "I" Corps. The three
provinces which were south of DaNang were just south of a
mountain range which had a very narrow pass and a tunnel
that a little train went through. It was the only way to go
from one province to another. South of that was a coastal
plain from the beach several miles inland. Sometimes it ran
maybe 10 miles inland before you started hitting the hills
and the forest. Particularly in the three southern
provinces the terrain was very flat and difficult to
maneuver through because of the rice patties.
[When we talked previously, you said that you would
comment on General Shoup when we got to Vietnam.]
Well, General Shoup was very much against us getting
involved in Vietnam. He was then on the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. He didn't believe we should do it. I believe there
were considerable reservations on the part of other members
of the Chiefs. They felt that if you were going in, don't
fiddle around with this thing.
[That was the basis of his concern?]
General Shoup's main basis of concern was that you don't
want to get involved on the mainland of China. You do not
want to get in there. It was a no win proposition. He felt
we just should not get involved. At first, we tried to bail
the French out. When they got run out, we tried to set a
peace. This was done, and the country was divided. Then,
the North violated that, and we tried to support the
government that had been put in there. When General Shoup
retired, he wrote a book about it. He used some very harsh
language that alienated a lot of his former friends and a
lot of the people. I've always been fond of the old man and
am still due to the World War II reunion we have on the
19th of November for the survivers of Tarawa that are still
alive. He shows up for this and I see him then. That's
about all I can tell you. The fact is that he was probably
right, but the fact remains that our country says you are
going in. That's how I base my comments because I follow
orders.
[You have commented on General Walt, and General Chapman
. . . what about General McCutcheon?]
He was a splendid officer in every respect. I think that
had he lived, he might have been our first Marine aviator
to be commandant. He was a man of about a year senior to
me. He was an accomplished aviator. He was a very small
wiry man. He was very sharp. He was in command of the
Marine Air Wing under General Walt. General Walt had
this wing that was reinforced and two divisions, the First
and Third Division.
General Walt decided one time that we had to abandon one
of these special force camps and evacuate these special
forces troops and everyone. We had to pull out the
villagers and everyone. The reason for this was that it was
an untenable spot that they had selected years before in
the valley surrounded by hills. The enemy had just moved
in. They had already cut off all the supplies. It was
difficult to resupply by air. The troops were not
patrolling out from there. I happened to be up there from
Westmoreland's headquarters. He asked my advice and asked
all the generals. I voted along with all the rest of them.
It was his decision to pull them out. McCutcheon was
working on how he was going to get his helicopters in and
get them out. He got them out too. There were very few
losses.
He was back on duty in the states the same time I was in
the personnel department. He was the Deputy Chief of Staff
for Rear Air. We were very good friends. He went out first
as a Three Star as CG Three MAF. I went out as CG FPAC and
got my third star. So, he was then under me although he was
senior to me. This was only for a very short time. I knew
he was senior to me. We got along fine.
Before he went out., he had had a cancer operation. They
thought they had gotten all of it and he thought they had
too. He got out and ran a mile everyday, and all this kind
of stuff. When he was out there, it started flaring up
again. He was brought back. He was still doing alright. The
Commandant designated him to be the Assistant Commandant to
relieve General Walt who retired. They pinned the fourth
star on him when he was in the hospital dying. Had he
lived, he would have been a very strong candidate
for Commandant of MC. General Chapman told him that he
had sent in four names as candidates. He had sent in my
name, General Davis and General Chasson. I'm sure General
McCutcheon would have been one of them.
[You had mentioned earlier in another interview, you
mentioned a rice wine story that you were going to tell me
later.]
The rice wine story was concerned with the time when I
first went into Vietnam. I was stationed at the
headquarters, Marine Corps. I was the Legislative Assistant
to the Commandant. This was before 1964. The day after he
made commandant, he went out to visit the Marines in
Vietnam. At that time, we simply had our helicopter
squadrons in there. We hadn't landed our troops up in Da
Nang as yet. We did have various Marine advisors and there
were getting to be more and more of us in there.
During this visit to Vietnam, we went up to the "I"
Corps area. The
"I" Corps commander arranged for us to go out and visit
the Montagnard village. As we went through the main gate of
the village, they had a little six or seven man honor
guard. They were all just in line dressed in loin cloth and
barefooted. They were playing an assortment of instruments
such as reeds and banging on pans. We went into the
compound. They had all the women from the little bitty
girls to the grandmothers lined over on one side and all
the men on the other. We walked up between these two ranks.
The chief was up there. He greeted the commandant and
greeted the commandant's party. There were about five
officers with him. The commandant presented him with his
gifts that consisted of a great big bag of salt and farming
utensils (i.e. axes, hoes). The chief wanted to honor us.
We were told by this Vietnamese interpreter that he wanted
each of us to stand in back of these five big tall thin
jars. There was a hollow reed-like straw
sticking out. These little Montagnard maidens got behind
each one and held the straw towards us. The commandant
looked at the interpreter who said they wanted us to drink.
Well, we looked in here and what it was was rice wine. You
could see it with pieces of rice floating on top, and these
bubbles coming up every now and then. It just looked
horrible. You had a pretty good idea of what would happen
to you if you drank this stuff. It just looked unsanitary.
These people were very primitive and very dirty.
The Commandant gave us the command. He said, "Drink, I
said."
So, we all did. It didn't taste too bad. If you would
put some ice in it, it would have probably been good. Just
as we did that, the little girls slapped a copper bracelet
around our wrists. This was part of the ceremony. They all
wear these. If they give you one, this makes you an
honorary member of their tribe. Down the line, one of the
members was a Major General named Bob Cushman who was later
one of the commandants. I heard him say, "My God, we've
married them."
When I heard this, I cracked up. That was the story
about the rice wine.
The other story was related to the time when I was
living in the villa that we called Marine House in Saigon.
I was a good friend of General Khang, and I used-to go call
on him. He is a commandant now. This is before he made the
other deal. I had this Marine steward that went out with me
who was a wonderful cook. He was and is a friend of mine to
this day. He even comes up here and cooks meals for me
sometimes. He does it for a price now. He's a fine man. We
had all this linen and all this fine silver and what have
you. So, I asked General Khang if I could have he and
his wife to dinner. Knowing that he was then a very
close friend to then President Ky (Nguyen Cao Ky),I
suggested that we could invite President and Mrs. Ky. He
said,"Sure, that would be great." He said he would check
with General Ky. They said they would be delighted to come.
So, the time was set.
Early that afternoon I took off to help prepare for
their arrival. They were coming around 7:00 p.m. The first
thing that happened was the Vietnamese MP's had already
arrived. They were stationed all over the roof of the house
and had patrols and road blocks at each end of the block. I
was only about a block down from the Ambassador's residence
who was Ambassador Lodge at that time. Naturally they
couldn't let their president go out unprotected, because he
was a good target. General and Mrs. Ky, and General and
Mrs. Khang came. We had a nice evening. They all liked
Scotch and water.
President Ky had a few and he was taking off on the
French. He was very mad at the French. He had a good reason
to be mad. You see, the French left overseers at these big
rubber plantations. When you flew over them, they looked
like something out of "Gone With The Wind." They all had
the big mansions; they had their overseers house with
tennis courts, stables, and big circular drives up to these
places. They had swimming pools. They had their medical
dispensaries for their workers. They were still running
these plantations. The way they were able to do that was
that they were paying a tribute to the enemy. This would
allow them to keep their plantation and run it. Then, the
enemy would take that money and buy war supplies to be able
to fight South Vietnam.
President Ky said, "I want to throw all the Frenchmen
out. I am just not going to put up with any of this any
more. They are just stabbing us in the back and letting the
Viet Cong use their dispensaries to treat their
wounded."
I was just trying to make dinner conversation and said,
"Well, President Ky, if I may, let me tell you about a very
sad national mistake we made."
I told them about what we did with the Japanese
Americans. I told him that there must be some third or
fourth generation Frenchmen here. To them, Vietnam is their
home. I would wager that they're not taking part in any of
this duplicity.
President Ky sort of startled at first to hear a
Brigadier tell the president of a country the way to run
his country. He did say, "Well, you have a pretty good
point there general."
I just bring that up to show that it was a very pleasant
evening.
A couple of evenings later when General Westmoreland got
in from the field, he sent for me. He said, "Bill, the
Ambassador is really mad at you."
I said, "Why is that?"
He said, "Not even I invite the president without
requesting permission from the Ambassador."
I said, "I didn't know that. I knew General Khang and we
were just friends."
He said, "Well, it is alright to have General and Mrs.
Khang, but not the head of the government."
I said, "I just didn't think it would hurt. I thought
that if he wanted to come, what could it hurt."
He said, "The Ambassador really insists that I
discipline you; so, consider yourself disciplined. Now
report what you saw today."
That was all "Westy" ever said of it. Evidently Lodge
had his nose really out of joint. I wasn't impressed with
Lodge very frankly. He seldom ventured far from Saigon.
Never really saw the war or visited the troops except when
then President Johnson or Vice President Humphrey visited
Vietnam. Even then he didn't tag along if they went too far
from Saigon.
Both President Johnson and Vice President Humphrey
visited Vietnam while I was "Westy's" operation officer. I
was in charge of MACV's contribution to the visits working
with embassy officials and submitting my plans for approval
up the chain--first to Major General Bill Rosson who was
Chief of Staff and eventually General Westmoreland.
President Johnson's visit was very short and a one stop
only proposition at Cam Ram Bay. This Air Force/Navy
installation was chosen since it was easiest to provide the
required security. He was accompanied by then Secretary of
State Dean Rusk whom I enjoyed long conversations with--a
very warm and personal gentleman! We brought representative
groups of troops from all the services and the President
addressed them.
Vice President Humphrey stayed several days and operated
out of Ambassador Lodge's residence. I worked closely with
the Secret Service in providing helicopter service, ground
transportation, communications and security. Mr. Humphrey
was a bundle of energy who traveled wherever the Secret
Service would approve, loved to talk to the troops, and was
warmly and enthusiastically received. The day he was to
depart he sent for me. I was escorted by a Secret Service
agent through the entrance foyer of the Ambassador's
residence up a staircase to the Vice President's
quarters.
Looking down into a sunny breakfast alcove I could see
Ambassador Lodge and Ambassador Averell Harriman looking up
at this Marine Brigadier General going to see the Vice
President with startled expressions on their faces. I just
smiled at them and nodded. I'm sure Lodge recognized
me.
Mr. Humphrey thanked me profusely and gave me a pen with
his autograph on it. He was a truly gracious gentleman.
Chapter 5
As I mentioned in the preceding chapter (the last of the
four interview chapters) I relieved then Major General Ray
Davis of command of the 3rd Marine Division in April 1969
at the command post located just west of Dong Ha, Quan Tri
Province, RVN.
Quan Tri Province includes the Ben Hai River running to
the South
China Sea from the mountains to the west. It was the
northern most province of the Republic of Vietnam and the
Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) formed its northern border. Like
many other provinces in Vietnam it had on the coastal lands
an interlacing of sand and rich rice growing delta land.
Next, to the west, was the piedmont. The piedmont was
valuable only in terms of the rock which was quarried out
by hand, the grazing of cattle to a limited degree, and the
collection of wood for cooking and the production of
charcoal, then the towering mountains with their swift
streams filled with trout, water falls, dense jungles,
tigers, monkeys, and colorful birds.
The 3rd Marine Division Forward Headquarters/Command
Post was near Dong Ha. To the south about twenty miles on
the outskirt of the provincial capitol, Quan Tri City, was
the Rear Command Post commanded by a Brigadier General
Assistant Division Commander (ADC) where the main supply
dumps were located.
At the beginning of the mountains in a valley due west
of Dong Ha was a forward supply dump and resupply point for
both helicopter and truck transportation. This supported
the majority of the fire supply bases. It was named
Vandegrift and was also a fire support base (some of the
fire support bases were named after commandants). During my
command we manned,
in addition to Vandegrift, FSB Russel and Cates. Others
were named after the nearest village like Khe Sahn. After
the action moved out of the range of a FSB they were
dismantled and new ones opened. Some of these were named
after former 3rd Division Commanding Generals like Erskines
and Turnage.
When I took command in April 1969 there were two combat
operations in progress--code names "Purple Martin and
"Marine Craig." In May we added four more--"Herkimer
Mountain," "Virginia Ridge," "Apache Snow," and "Cameron
Falls." Helicopter combat air support totalled
approximately 24,000 carrying 34,000 passengers and 9,000
tons of ammunition and supplies. Fixed wing close air
support was approximately 2400 sorties plus B—52
sorties dropping between 450 and 750 tons of bombs per
month.
In June 1969 I received orders to prepare for movement
of-my division out of RVN to its home camps on Okinawa.
This entailed planning for and executing phased withdrawal
from the mountains and the area just south of the DMZ where
we had been holding the enemy in check while the rest of
the province repaired war damage. What made this extremely
delicate and difficult was that we were in contact daily
with the enemy. FSB's had to be dismantled and the bunker
material removed so the enemy couldn't use it, supplies had
to be moved to the coast for embarkation, vehicles
waterproofed and cleaned for embarking, and areas
completely cleaned.
Some of the bases were to be taken over by Vietnamese
Army units and they were left clean but intact. The
sequence of destruction dates is shown on the following
chart:
Destruction Dates of Combat and Fire Support Bases
21 September - Fire Support Base Russel was officially
closed. 4 October - Fire Support Base Cates was officially
closed.
15 October - Destruction of Vandergrift Combat Base
completed. 27 October - Destruction of Elliot Combat Base
completed.
The sequence of withdrawing of units and their
embarkation dates are shown. on the following chart:
Embarkation Dates from RVN
1st Bn, 4th Marines - embarked on 22 October 1969. 2d
Bn, 4th Marines - embarked on 7 November 1969. 3d Bn, 4th
Marines - embarked on 20 November 1969. 1st Bn, 3d Marines
- embarked on 6 October 1969.
2d Bn, 3d Marines - embarked on 2 October 1969.
3d Bn, 3d Marines - embarked on 2 October 1969. 1st Bn,
9th Marines - embarked on 15 July 1969. 2d Bn, 9th Marines
- embarked on 1 August 1969. 3d Bn, 9th Marines - embarked
on 13 August 1969.
As can be seen we started withdrawing elements of the
9th Marines in late June and completed the embarkation of
that unit which then moved to Okinawa in mid-August. While
waiting for the ships to return empty the 3rd Marines had
heavy fighting just south of the DMZ driving an entire NVN
regiment back into the DMZ while inflicting heavy
casualties on the enemy.
The combat air supporting the division was magnificent
and aided greatly in making the withdrawal and embarkation
possible with minimal friendly casualties. The quantity of
such support is shown on the following chart:
Combat Air Support
During the time period 1 April 1969 to 30 September
1969, combat air completed the following missions:
9495 fixed wing sorties were flown resulting in 23,742
tons of ordnance expended.
279 ARC Light sorties were flown resulting in 6,975 tons
of ordnance expended.
In addition to the above all of our many projects to
help the civilian population in the areas under our
protection had to be completed. These were called "Civic
Action Projects," during 1969 in Quang Tri Province
included economic development, education, social welfare,
transportation and refugee assistance. Some 57 percent of
the labor was provided by the citizens of Quang Tri
Province. The rest by Marines and Army units attached to
the 3rd Division.
Institutional support, for example, included the
following:
Schools 399 Orphanages 69 Hospitals/Dispensaries 160
The 3rd Marine Division Memorial Children's Hospital was
almost completed replacing the Dong Ha Combat Base
Temporary Children's Hospital Facility. Therefore, the
monthly children patient load at the temporary facility
dropped from 2,710 in April to 1,295 in September.
Immediately prior to the 3rd Division's redeployment in
early November 1969 to Okinawa, the major civic action
projects completed were the following:
1. Cam Vu Public Works Project {water supply)
2. Boys Public Elementary School, Quang Tri City
3. Bo De High School, Quang Tri City
4. Than Thank High School, Quang Tri City
5. Trung Son Refugee School, Cam Lo (These were the
refugees who fled south from and north of the DMZ.)
In retrospect, it's amazing that approximately thirty
thousand Americans could protect the local Vietnamese and
help them rebuild while fighting our common communist
enemies.
It is also interesting, in retrospect, that the American
fighting man accepts as his role in life the necessities
that combat duty demands. This includes working (or being
on call while sleeping, eating, attending to personal
matters) twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, and
every week in the month. Vietnam was the first to break
this with the two weeks' R&R deal--a good idea! In
World War II we went out and stayed out until it was
over--thirty-six months for most of us in the Pacific.
Anyway, it's little fun, many inconveniences, adequate but
dull chow, and gnawing loneliness and worry for those
nearest and dearest at home. The main reward is the
comraderie developed with the other Americans in the same
spot you are--many asking "what in the hell am I doing here
instead of with all those people in the states that
couldn't care less about us." But most experience the
intangible, never mention, inner feelings like--sense of
patriotism in doing what one's country asks, sense of pride
in being man enough to accept the risk, discomfort,
loneliness and frustrations required, and a sense of being
a member of such a group who feel the same way.
A wise man once observed--"For those who fight for it,
freedom has a flavor the protected can never know. That
about sums it up for me and my career. Three wars, two
personalized threats to my life (one at MCB, 29
Palms, Ca. and one in my Command Post in Quan Tri
Province RYN) and innumerable "impersonal threats" in the
form of enemy resistance to our assault landings, combat
operations, etc.
Other fond memories include the company rest camps we
operated on the beach at the mouth of the Cua Viet River.
After two or more months in the jungle during which many of
the Marines would develop skin cancer (called "Jungle Rot")
from the continual dampness, we would send the company to
the beach for a week or so. During this period they would
have steaks and the finest food we could serve for three
hot meals a day. In addition all the free beer or soft
drinks they wanted, a free movie every night and USO shows
when available with no duties except to clean their
immediate living areas. The rest of the time they could
sleep, swim, sun bath or play team games. Within three days
the spark in their eyes, smile, and healing effect of sun
and salt water on "Jungle Rot" rejuvenated them. At the end
of the time they were ready and happy to go back to their
particular assigned area of hell counting the days when
their tour would be completed.
The redeployment of the 3rd Marine Division (Rein) from
South Vietnam to Okinawa started in June and ended in
December 1969 with the arrival of the rear echelon on
Okinawa. A report on "Lessons Learned" was submitted to
higher echelons in the Marine Corps and several copies were
given to my close friend of many years, Major General
Ormond R. Simpson, who was Commanding General of the 1st
Marine Division (Rein) who would be redeploying his command
to Camp Pendleton, California, some time in the future. The
report covers the multitudinous details involved in moving
over thirty thousand men with their
equipment and supplies over the ocean many hundreds of
miles, particularly while fighting a rear guard action,
closing of fire support bases, turning over to relieving
units critical existing minefield records, trash removal
and disposal, preparing vehicles for embarkation, ordnance
disposal, packing and crating of equipment and supplies,
completion of civil affairs projects, preparation of plans
and executing loading of ships are but a few examples. In
addition, suitable local farewell ceremonies and calls had
to be carefully planned to lessen as much as possible the
impact of the withdrawal from the area of this large a unit
on the economy and psychological shock of the local
populace.
The 3rd Marine Division's final departure ceremony was
held at the Danang Air Base on 7 November 1969. Planning
and rehearsals required six weeks. I learned to give my
departure speech to our Vietnamese military allies and
friends in Vietnamese by learning to pronounce the words
phonetically. It delighted the Vietnamese who were just as
surprised as the Americans attending the ceremony. It was a
memorable occasion and a fitting farewell in all
respects.
The arrival ceremony on Okinawa was very small. A rifle
company from the 9th Marines who were the first to arrive
there in June formed the honor guard. The Division Band and
Division Color Guard preceded my plane and played
appropriate music for thirty minutes.
At the appointed hour, I arrived with my command group
and was greeted by the various island dignitaries. Suitable
honors were rendered, the Division Colors were marched off
and posted, the National Anthem played and I trooped the
line. The playing of the Marine Corps Hymn completed the
ceremony.
After holding a press conference I moved into my new
headquarters and started reviewing plans for the Division's
celebration of the Marine Corps birthday on 10 November,
three days hence.
The following weeks and months were devoted to shaking
down in our new quarters and developing suitable training
and recreation plans for the troops. Equipment and supplies
had to be unpacked, inventoried and stored, training areas
reconnoitered, schedules drawn up, billeting areas
improved, replacements assigned, etc. Before I knew it
March of 1970 was upon me and I had to start plans for
turning over my command to my relief. In this regard, when
I landed on Okinawa, in addition to remaining Commanding
General 3rd Marine Division, I became Commanding General of
the First Marine Expeditionary Force and Commander, Task
Force 70 of the U.S. Seventh Fleet. For my Vietnam duty and
the above mentioned duties I received a Gold Star in lieu
of a second Distinguished Service Medal (the first DSM I
had received upon completion of my tour on General
Westmoreland's staff 1965-66).
After a most enjoyable reunion with my family and a long
leave I spent a couple of months at HQMC as Special
Assistant to the Chief of Staff. Nominated for three star
rank by President Nixon, I was confirmed by the Senate, May
12, 1970. I was "frocked" (allowed to wear the rank and
title of a Lieutenant General) by CMC and started drawing
the increased pay and allowances on July 1, 1970.
Oldest son, Bill 47-who was a second lieutenant at the
time had planned to marry his college sweetheart, Katherine
Pirtle, in her home town of Wichita, Kansas on 20 June.
Consequently, we were able to drive through Wichita on our
way to the West Coast and Hawaii and attend the big event
in our lives.
The wedding and preliminary festivities were memorable.
One nephew, James L. Jones, Jr. was driving east from Camp
Pendleton for duty on the East Coast. His younger brother,
John V. Jones, was driving his family from the East Coast
for duty at Camp Pendleton. They both were able to schedule
their trips so they could lay over a few days in Wichita
for the wedding. Since Jim and John were also Marine
lieutenants the four of us were able to wear our white
uniforms for the ceremony; probably more of a Marine Corps
wedding than Wichita, Kansas had ever seen before.
After arriving in Los Angeles we turned our car over to
the Navy port authorities for shipment and flew to
Honolulu.
Chapter 6
By the time I had over thirty years of active service, I
had recognized one interesting aspect of a military career
that few civilians grasped. Setting aside the fictional
portrayals of war times and actual combat and the
non-fictional accurate reports in military histories about
campaigns and battles won or lost, there's another
extremely important facet of military
life that is seldom portrayed but is critical in
understanding the full picture of warfare, what holds the
military profession together and the "whole man" aspect of
a Marine. The reason for this, I suspect, is that it's hard
to explain because it's intangible and is referred to under
various labels such as comraderie morale, American humor,
esprit de corps. etc. Nevertheless I've seen many occasions
when humor has turned defeat into victory, despair into
hope, and fear into self-confidence.
As an example to this I recall a Catholic priest during
D--Day and
the assault waves had hit the beach. As the lines moved
forward the wounded were brought to the beach for
evacuation to the transports sick bays. We were required to
carry gas masks during the landing due to some intelligence
reports that the Japanese might use chemical warfare
against us. These masks were carried in large canvas bags
one carried over his shoulder. This priest got two of these
bags, took the gas masks out and left them. He then
filled
one bag with fried chicken from the ship's galley and
the other with scotch that he had brought from the USA. As
he moved along the beach comforting the frightened
teenagers who were lying there wounded, he would pose the
question, "Son, while you're waiting for medical attention
how would you like a piece of fried chicken and a swig of
scotch?" The young Marine of course was
incredulous and when it was forthcoming his sense of
humor relieved the fear and tension building inside him.
Afterwards doctors told me that this unusual approach of
the priest saved many young Marines by reducing their fears
and tensions thereby staving off shock.
Therefore I resolved as I assumed the duties of
Commanding General FMF Pacific that I would try my best to
do the comradery and high spirits I'd experienced in my
subordinate units.
The tour as it turned out was most interesting and
eventful. As my predecessor Lieutenant General Buse and his
Lieutenant General Brute Krulak had done, I visited our III
MAF in country every six weeks (III MAF consisted of the
1st MAW and 1st Marine Division, plus many supporting units
at this time). In addition, but less frequently, I visited
our various Marine barracks in the Pacific, as well as
Marine advisory groups to various Marine Corps.
Fortunately, I had inherited a C-130 equipped with a
sleeping capsule, a kitchen, and superior communication
assets, so not only was the traveling comfortable but I
could schedule the trips at my own convenience.
Additionally the accommodations were adequate for me to
take along six staff officers. Our flights between stops
were therefore gainfully used to process and make decisions
on problems that surfaced during our visit. Unfortunately
when the cut-out-prerogatives fever hit Congress and the
Executive Branch, this convenient and cost effective plane
was denied my successor and he was forced to borrow
CINCPACFLT's plane.
A few months after assuming command I was ordered to
commence planning
for withdrawing III MAF from Vietnam to mainly Okinawa
and Japan, although some men in designated units or
categories were to be sent back to CONUS.
It soon became apparent to me that in addition to the
traditional general and special staff organization I needed
a management division headed by a colonel to coordinate
this tremendous effort in the most cost effective manner
possible. This we did and it consisted of a Reports
Coordination Section of three officers and two S/NCO's; a
Management Engineer Section of two officers, an Automated
Services Center of eleven officers and seven S/NCO's; an
Operation Analyses Section of two officers, one S/NCO and
one civilian operation analyst; a Graphic Arts Section of
one S/NCO; a Reproduction Section of one officer and two
S/NCO's; and an Adjutant Section of sixteen officers and
ten enlisted.
This Division ran an Operations Center where all the
statistics were graphically displayed that were gathered
from a reporting system fashioned after the Reporting
System at HQ Marine Corps for handling personnel, money,
and resources that we also inaugurated. As a result, we
were able to with-draw all of the Marine Corps Forces in
Vietnam over a period of months and accomplish the
subsequent rehabilitation of their equipment and combat
readiness while effecting a savings of over twenty million
dollars. Furthermore this automated and integrated
information system significantly improved the management of
men, money, and material of the 75,000 military and
civilian employees in FMF Pacific as well as a two billion
dollar inventory and annual operating budget of over 500
million dollars. For this the Force was cited by the
President of the United States for effecting significant
cost savings and instituting numerous management
improvement practices during Fiscal Year 1971.
Another project that I derived great satisfaction from
developing was a series of highly successful programs which
improved racial harmony, equal
opportunity, cross and sub-cultural interaction,
interpersonal communications, drug abatement, and job
enrichment. Many of these were used as models for similar
programs throughout the Marine Corps at that time.
Before I knew it almost two years had passed and I found
myself preparing for my retirement. Among other things
those plans called for troop formation of two companies
each with two platoons. CMC agreed to issue my son and two
nephews permissive orders to fly on my plane coming from El
Toro MCAS to fly us back to Washington, D.C. and into
retirement. Consequently, the first company on the line
during my retirement ceremony was commanded by Captain
James L. Jones, Jr. (a nephew); the first platoon by
Lieutenant W. J. Jones, Jr. (my son); and the second
platoon by Lieutenant John V. Jones (another nephew).
As it turned out when the time came my immediate
superior Admiral Chic Clarey awarded me my third
Distinguished Service Medal in the name of the president.
In doing so when the time came he surprised us all by
inviting my beloved wife, Charlotte (the best Marine in our
family!) to accompany
him front and center and she pinned the medal on my
tunic and gave me a kiss. What a thrill!
Shortly before the retirement ceremony took place an
incident occurred which also highlights the fact that
perhaps there is a bit of Walter Mitty in all of us. In our
mind's eye we often see ourselves entirely differently than
we appear to others.
To use only one fantasy as an example it will be
necessary to distill it out of the important events and
demands of the many years involved since it started near
the end of World War II. As a Marine infantry battalion
commander I began to wonder if my subordinates referred to
me in a complimentary,
uncomplimentary, or, worse yet, in an indifferent
manner. For example, "Wild Bill" Jones would be most
acceptable, "Bonehead" Jones would not, and "Old
what's-his-name" would hurt. My curiosity finally got the
best of me.
"Jim," I said to my second in command one day, "do the
men have a nick-name for me--you know something with a ring
to it like 'Bull' Halsey, 'Chesty' Puller or 'Vinegar Joe'
Stillwell?"
"As a matter of fact they do," Jim grinned, "It's
'Willie K'."
That took the wind out of my sails! My first name,
bastardized at that, and my middle initial.
So that war ended and histories were written with no
mention of a
"Willie K." Then along came the Korean war, an
advancement in rank and command of a regiment.
When my regiment was assigned general outpost duty in
front of the main battle positions my pulse quickened. Here
was I with the enemy to my front and the Imjin River to my
back. My orders were to give early warning of an enemy
attack and to delay him before withdrawing across the
river. The bitter cold had thankfully deadened the privy
smell of the rice paddies but had also frozen them so enemy
tanks could maneuver freely. There would be bitter
fighting, no doubt, for our mission was to hold him long
enough for the main defenses to be manned.
"Tiger" Jones, I thought. That has a nice ring to it.
I'll bet the men already call me something like that.
After the staff meeting that night I said to my second
in command, "Jack, do the men have a nickname for me? You
know like . . . ."
"Yes, I know," chuckled Jack, "and it's not 'Stonewall'
Jones or 'Wild Bill' Jones either. It's 'Willie K'."
I was disappointed but still optimistic. My career
wasn't over and anyway sometimes nicknames like medals are
bestowed in peacetime.
My first star and a Brigadier General's command! Anyone
knows that throughout history generals are given nicknames,
"Stonewall" Jackson, "Old-blood-and-guts" Patton, "The
Desert Fox" etc. Since my command encompassed many square
miles of the Mojave Desert, that last one seemed to be a
natural. So, after a few months, I said to my second in
command, "Virg, do the men have a nickname for me? You
know, something to do with the desert maybe?"
"No," laughed Virg, "it has nothing to do with the
desert."
"It's not . . .," I pleaded.
"Yep," he smiled broadly, "it's 'Willie K'."
Promotion to Major General brought with it command of a
Marine Division in Vietnam. I felt this command might be my
last chance to shake the "Willie K" handle. There had been
plenty of opportunities in peacetime, yet no new nickname
had surfaced. Why wasn't I lucky enough to have some
imaginative people in my commands who could think up an
appropriate nickname I wondered? I knew I certainly could
but no one ever asked me.
Commanders in Vietnam spent a large part of every day
flying in helicopters over the battlefields visiting and
directing their subordinate units. Consequently codenames,
assigned by General Westmoreland's headquarters, were used
to ensure communication security and to hide the identity
of the command helicopter from enemy gunners.
Finally a code name was assigned to me that raised my
bones. It was "Iron Hand." Ah ha: I thought, this has got
to be it: "Iron Hand" Jones--what a splendid ring:
A short time later I was shot in the hand by an enemy
sniper. Not a serious wound but the bullet broke a bone in
my hand, necessitating the wearing of a cast for a month.
This clinches it! I thought. A bullet in my hand--"Iron
Hand"! It's so obvious anyone should be able to spot its
appropriateness. So, in all my visits to the troops there
was my bandaged hand for all to see--admittedly with some
help from me on occasion.
The end of my tour and return to the United States was
imminent. This time I decided to ask the Division Sergeant
Major and my Aide-de-Camp the magic question. The three of
us were walking toward the helicopter for our daily visit
to various units.
"Gentlemen," I said, "throughout my career each of my
commands had their own nickname for me. I don't suppose the
men have any nickname for me although I do recall some
Marine Corps generals having them, such as 'Red Mike' Edson
and 'Howlin Mad' Smith."
The young Captain looked apprehensively at the Sergeant
Major so I knew that there was indeed a nickname. "Iron
Hand" Jones, I thought, looking expectantly at the Sergeant
Major.
"Yes, sir," said the Sergeant Major, looking me in the
eye. When his stern leathery face broke into a huge smile
my heart sank.
"It's still 'Willie K'," he said proudly, "just like
when I was in your battalion on Tarawa."
Well, damn! I thought. I hoped I wouldn't complete my
career with that wet noodle handle. But when? Time was
getting short.
Looking out of my office in the hilltop headquarters of
Fleet Marine Force Pacific the view was inspiring. Pearl
Harbor lay a mile or so in the distance. Many ships of the
Pacific Fleet were clearly discernible in the
bright sunlight--some at anchor, others moving into and
out of the harbor. Promotion to Lieutenant General and
having command of around eight thousand Marines and sailors
was heady indeed.
Never thought I'd be standing here, I mused. Then I
almost laughed out loud. My old fantasy suddenly emerged
again. Surely somewhere amongst all of these men and women
there were some imaginative souls who would bury this
"Willie Kr" bit once and for all. Maybe "Iron Hand"?
We started giving and attending a series of good-bye
parties as is the custom. One balmy evening my wife and I
were sitting outside the officers' club in my official car.
Being early for a reception, we decided to enjoy the soft
fragrant air and the lights of Pearl Harbor.
As we were sitting there two young Marines walked by.
Their conversation, clearly audible, indicated that one had
just arrived from the mainland and the other was showing
him around.
They approached my car, a black chrysler identical in
appearance to the car of my superior, a four star Admiral.
The "Old Timer" started to again inform the newcomer.
"All the guys around here who rate stars have plates
with the right number of stars on them mounted in front of
their cars. The Navy -uses dark blue plates, the Air Force
light blue and the Army and Marines bright red ones. Now
that black chrysler there belongs to the Commander in Chief
of the Pacific," he said, his young voice ringing with
importance. "When we get around in front you'll see his
dark blue plate with four big silver stars on it."
Realizing they couldn't see us sitting in the car, my
wife and I remained silent, smiling with the knowledge of
what they would see in a few moments.
Then a thought occurred! Hey' Maybe this is it'. I'll
bet I'll hear a new nickname for me.
Bending down in front of the car, they both examined the
plate. When the voice of the "Old Timer" rang out I learned
that "Willie V was no longer hip.
"Oh, no," he said regretfully, "It's just
Jonesy-baby."
It was time to retire'.
The End