Articles in regional publications that pertain to a wide range of North Carolina-related topics.
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55 results
for "North Carolina--Politics and government"
Record #:
17644
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Part III of this series focuses on the author's personal commentary concerning redistricting in 1957, 1959, and 1961.
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Record #:
17846
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Two United States Supreme Court Decisions affected how the state's representation on a county-wide level was chosen. These cases affected districting and the rules governing whether county commissioners are elected, nominated, and whether or not they must reside in the district in which they are elected.
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Record #:
18234
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Since 1974 General Assembly members meet every numbered year to approve a biennial budget. The governor, state budget officer, advisory budget committee, lieutenant governor and chairman of the appropriations committee all convene to draft the state's budget. Further details of this process and the collaborative effort to draft the state's budget are discussed in detail.
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19777
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North Carolina was the twelfth state to ratify the Federal Constitution on November 21, 1789. Ratification was a contentious issue in the state due to a well-organized Anti-Federalist movement which blocked ratification at the Hillsboro Convention on July 21, 1788. The article reviews the politics of the era and the mollification of Anti-Federalists between conventions.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 17 Issue 4, Oct 1940,
p287-301, f
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Record #:
19858
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This article looks at the shift of social and moral imperatives in the South in the early 18th century that changed the attitudes towards slavery from condemnation to justification and acceptance. The political impact of this change is seen in the geographic shift of the popularity of Jeffersonian politics, which were generally unfavorable to slavery, from the South to the anti-slavery North. The article further contends that Southern Jeffersonianism was replaced with a new set of pro-slavery ideals and values first promoted by John C. Calhoun and that came to be known as Calhounism.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 12 Issue 2, April 1935,
p103-124, f
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Record #:
19891
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Congressman Edward McPherson was Clerk of the House of Representatives between 1863 and 1875. Correspondences to him from North Carolinians pertain to the contentious topic of Reconstruction. Letters reproduced here cover a time period between March 1865 and February 1875.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 19 Issue 2, April 1942,
p187-208, f
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Record #:
21150
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William Hodge Kitchin was a former Civil War veteran and a member of the Democratic Party who pushed for radical changes within North Carolina's social structure during Reconstruction. By the late 1880s, he broke with the Democrats and joined the Populist Party movement where he had a better opportunity for leadership and influence. While with the Populist Part, Kitchin advocated to preserve conservative principles, a mixture of white conservatism and opportunism.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 45 Issue 2, 1968,
p178-194, f
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Record #:
21172
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During the Presidential election of 1856, North Carolina Republican Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick was the focus of a political witch hunt by North Carolina Democratic leadership, particularly newspaper editors. A professor of agricultural chemistry at the University of North Carolina, Hendricks supported Republican John C. Fremont in his bid for the Presidency which in North Carolina was tantamount to abolitionism. Hedrick publically opposed slavery itself and its use in the territories but defended its practice in the South. Unacceptable to Democratic leadership in North Carolina, Hedrick was dismissed from his academic position for political agitation.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 45 Issue 4, Oct 1968,
p357-383, f
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Record #:
21201
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This article collects a variety of secondary accounts on the expansion of the Whig Party in North Carolina during the 1930s. The ideals of the Whig Party were broadly focused geographically and socially as the North Carolina sect mimicked national diversity.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 47 Issue 2, Apr 1970,
p115-129, il, por, f
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Record #:
21591
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Political factionalism in North Carolina during the 1720s was not a simple two-sided conflict between popular opinion and entitled power but a complex, interest-based struggle that shifted to reflect economic and social divisions. The primary issue between factions was expansion southward along the Cape Fear River into Bath County. This conflict led to a more rapid transition from proprietary to royal rule in the colony.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 71 Issue 3, July 1994,
p284-305 , il, por, map, f
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Record #:
21614
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In the 1780s, strife broke out between Whig lawyers attempting to establish a uniform national legal system and backcountry farmers who had no desire for standardized law and saw Whig actions as self-serving. These two groups fought for control of North Carolina's judicial system, thinking that whoever controlled the judicial branch could interpret and apply the law how they saw fit. Whig lawyers also hoped to restore law and their own power by supporting a national constitution.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 73 Issue 1, Jan 1996,
p56-82 , il, por, map, f
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Record #:
21631
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This article examines the Whig accusation of misappropriated funds that drove the Democratic-appointed superintendent of the US Branch Mint at Charlotte, John Hill Wheeler from office in 1841. The debate began as minor allegations of unnecessary spending for the mint grounds but developed in debates regarding the spoils system. The Whigs, while publically condemning this practice, used their actions to assert their right to benefit from political patronage.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 77 Issue 2, Apr 2000,
p151-178 , il, por, f
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Record #:
21661
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This article examines the political landscape of the Lower Cape Fear region of colonial North Carolina, comparing it to the rest of the colony. The Lower Cape Fear region developed quite distinctly from nearby regions as it contained a stable and wealthy ruling class and a large, unruly slave population. The differences between the Lower Cape Fear region and the rest of the colony emphasize the problem with generalizing North Carolina's political environment.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 81 Issue 1, Jan 2004,
p1-37 , il, por, map, f
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Record #:
21674
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In 1791, Nathaniel Macon entered the U.S. House of Representatives and began a 37 year career in Congress. During those years, he spent 24 in the House and 13 in the Senate, and demonstrated a strong degree of Anti-federalism throughout. Macon had a deep suspicion of overarching power and subsequent corruption, supported white male suffrage, desired to protect individual freedoms, feared unfair taxation and patronage, and wanted to protect state sovereignty through the strict interpretation of the Constitution.
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North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 81 Issue 3, July 2004,
p288-312 , il, por, f
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Record #:
21697
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This article explores the Populist Party in North Carolina at the beginning of the 20th century, especially with regards to a contested election case in 1900 between Populist and Democratic candidates. The article also examines the African American struggle to vote when faced with violence from the Red Shirts, gangs of armed men who sought to suppress African American, Republican, and Populist voters.
Source:
North Carolina Historical Review
(NoCar F251 .N892), Vol. 85 Issue 1, Jan 2008,
p1-28 , il, por, map, f
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