4--The Daily Reflector. Greenville. N.C.Monday. September. 1*75

Same Reasoning Applies Here

REMEMBER WHAT HAPPENED TO GULLIVER!

A merger of Raleigh and Wake County schools seems to be near final approval following 14 years of debate. It appears that only approval by the State Board of Education is needed to bring Uie merger about.

The Raleigh school board approved the merger last week after a long meeting and the county board followed after the federal courta refused to intervene. Finally the Wake County commissioners gave approval to the merger.

The pending merger in Wake County calls attention to the fact that sooner ot later we here in Pitt County are going to have to give serious consideration to a merger.

Presently we operate the county schools under its board and the city schools under a city school board, with both units going to the county commissioners for funds.

As Greenville grows, the lines between the county and city systems become more confused. Even now there is a county school under construction on N.C. 11 north almost within sight of the Greenville city limits.

THIS AFTERNOON

Many of the reas(is for merger which have been advanced in Wake County would apply here: a more efficient system, higher quality ^ education and financial savings.

The opposition to a merger might be less here since the suburban areas of Raleigh were more developed than suburbs of Greenville are at present. Thus at this time there might not be a radical change in the make-up of the student bodies of Greenville and Pitt County schools if a merger occurred.

There was a time when the city high school was considered far superior to the small county high schools, but, with the four major high schools which have been built in the county, educational opportunities should now be about the same in the county as in Greenville. This, too, would make merger easier.

Merger of Greenville and Pitt County schools might not come tomorrow, but it is something that will be considered here. The Raleigh-Wake County merger points in this direction for us.

KindergartenProvesAAerit

By BILL NOBLITT

ROANOKE RAPIDSHow can you prove the soundness of the public school kindergarten program, now spreading across North Carolina?

State education officials tried by comparing test scores of students who had kindergarten with those who didnt. But that effort got so bogged down in a fuss over statistical methods and charges of sabotage and espionage that the point was missed.

The po(int is that kindergarten does increase the readiness of children to learn in school, and one way to see that without a statewide study is to visit Roanoke Rapids.

Eight years ago, while other school systems were still arguing, Roanoke Rapids went full speed ahead on a public school kindergarten program for all five-year-olds in town.

Prove Worth

Standard test results have

The INSIDE REPORT

proved the worth of early childhood kindergarten, and the most recent round of testing produced some astounding results.

But it is extremely difficult to be totally objective in measuring. It is hard to pin the advancements on any single thing such as kindergarten, says Robert C. Clary, associate superintendent of the Roanoke Rapids school system.

We have improved instruction in reading, math, and through use of the learning disabilities resources center we have improved overall. All of these tend to work toward improving standardized test scores.

And those scores are improving.

But aside from that, there is subjective evidence which we find convincing, Clary says.

There is teacher evidenceteachers indicate that kindergarten is a tremendous help to them in getting the learning started in

first grade. Take a simple thing; the children already know how to tie their shoes or go to the bathroom, because they learned that in kindergarten.

8-month Lead

\iSo, based on teacher evidence, kindergarten is improving our schools. Our teachers say they are ready to teach reading and mathematics to their first-graders a full eight months earlier than before kindergarten, Clary said.

That is almost a full school term of advancement for the states first system to put in a fullscale kindergarten program.

Some critics argue that the program is not effective because some of the students are in split sessionsgoing half days to kindergarten class. Superintendent Joseph W. Talley rejects that: it is not the length of time, but quality of instruction, he says.

Talley worked with a special committee of the local

school board to install the pioneering kindergarten program eight years ago. The commitment was so strong that at first the board aimed at financing the program entirely locally.

Then we decided that regardless of brightness, family income or any other consideration, if all of our children did not have kindergarten, they were educationally deprived.

So, we put all of our federal funds for educationally deprived children into building the kindergarten program. Now that the state money is coming for kindergarten, we can use the other resources for something else, Talley said.

This falls eighth-grade class in Roanoke Rapids is the product of public school kindergarten. In four more years, they will be graduating. We are all satisfied that they will have a better education. But how do you prove it? Talley wonders.

Bonn Cautious On Detente

By ROWLAND EVANS and ROBERT NOVAK

BONNSkepticism over detente in the nation that has most to lose if it goes sour 'explains the confidential study just getting underway at highest levels here to analyze post-Helsinki Soviet policy.

One tentative conclusion: the 25th Communist party congress next February in Moscow will surpass everything to date in enshrining detente as the way of the future in hopes of seducing the West.

There is irony in the fact that the liberal Social Democratic (SPD) government of Chancellor Helmut Schmidt is now displaying private concerns about the course of East-West detente. It was schmidts predecessor, Willy Brandt, who singlemindedly pushed Bonns far-reaching political changes with Moscow and Eastern Europe five years ago culminating in the Helsinki conference on European security.

But Schmidt, a muscular realist whose political problems stem as much from his own left wing as from the conservative Christian Democratic (CDU) op

position, is no Brandt. Indeed, despite Schmidts genuine support for reciprocal detente, he is far more wary than Brandt (still very active as elected head of the SPD) over what he has termed the psychopolitical aspects of detente.

Accordingly, under Schmidt there is no illusion but, rather, nervous questioning about the durability and direction of long-range American policy made by a divided Washington government. As one top policymaker here told us: In the U.S., Europe seems farther and farther away and illusions grow easily. )

The prospect of Moscow really allowing its Communist empire to mellow in the afterglow of Helsinki is mocked by Schmidts own advisers. An example given is Soviet foreign minister Andrei Gromykos grim remark in 1973 that the indispensable third basket in the Helsinki agreement-exchange of ideas, cultures and persons between East and Westwould assure major political relaxation.

Whoever thinks the third basket will be allowed to change internal conditions in Eastern Europe, Gromyko

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replied, is a mastodon. Along similar lines, Helmut Kohl, leader of the opposition EDU and hence chancellor-designate if his party wins next years election, told us that if Helsinki damages the West, it will damage us here in Germany more than anyone else.

Kohl said that the fiery attack on the Soviet Union by exiled Russian author Alexander Solzhenitsyn in Washington last June 30 was passed around here from hand to hand. On a visit to East Germany two weeks ago. Kohl saw large, illuminated slogans at the Dresden railroad station which symbolized what he called Moscows \rue approach to detente. They read: Steel production in England is the lowest since World War II, Unemployment in Essen (center of West German industry) is the liighest since World War II, All cadets of the Peoples Army have passed their tests and are now lieutenants. Sharp skepticism both within and without the Schmidt government by no means points to any schism with the Ford administration. Nor should it evoke the spectre of that favorite ogre of the Kremlin, German revanchism. To the contrary, with all its industrial n)iracles and its fulcrum position in Europes heartland, West Germany is as inextricably tied to the U.S. as it was in the 1948 Berlin crisis. That fact is well un

derstood by generals and politicians alike.

Moreover, the skepticism is somewhat mitigated by recent Washington decisions of a more timely nature.

The assignment of two American brigades to the German-manned sector of the central NATO front for the first time ever is viewed as a brilliant political-military move, at least offsetting NATO troop reductions of the Dutch, British and Belgians.

Likewise, the decision of Gen. Alexander Haig, the NATO commander, to conduct fully-integrated military maneuvers this fallalso for the first timeis seen as a display of allied power calculated to impress Moscow. When West Germany proposed full-scale maneuvers by an army corps near the Czech border shortly before Soviet troops seized Prague in August 1968, they were vetoed by NATO political headquarters as unduly provocative. Approval of Haigs plan for highly^ublicized maneuvers now is perceived as the proper response to widespread detente jitters.

Most important to the Germans is the absence this year of Congresss annual orgy on U.S. troop withdrawals from NATO, but most Schmidt advisers regard this blessing as strictly temporary.

The implications of detente dominate backroom con-

(Continued on page 5)

Strength For Today

TWO BESETTING SINS

Two besetting sins, closely related today, tend to make a nrockery of religion.

The first of these is idolatry. Moses and the prophets of Israel spent much of their time combating the tendency of the people to worship graven images. Today in the Western nations we have a new kind of idolatry which is just as destructive to spiritual life the worship of money, pleasure, and power. People who devote their lives to the pursuit of these objects are as guilty of idolatry as the Israelites who worshipped

L

Aarons golden calf.

The related sin today is religiositygoing through

ihe motions of worship and church membership without any commitment to a changed life. Those prac-I icing religiosity recite creeds on Sunday and violate everything they stand for on Monday.

These sihs are not monopolized by a few; unfortunately most of us share them to some degree. For the liealth of our spiritual lives it i.s vitally important to recognize them for what they are.

By Elisha Douglass

By ART BUCHWALD

Victory Gardens 1975

WASHINGTONOne of the results of high food prices is that people are starting to raise their own vegetables in their back yards. This is a good thing if youre trying to save money; its a bad thing if youre invited over to the amateur farmers house for dinner.

People who raise their own produce take great pride in what they have grown, and as a dinner guest you have to go to great lengths to show your appreciation for what they have raised.

The other night we were invited to the Styrons. Mr.

Styron had torn up his back yard to plant vegetables, he said, to beat the inflation.

After a few drinks we sat down at the table.

Wheres the eggplant? Styron asked his wife.

We havent served the soup yet, Mrs. Styron said.

Is there something special about the eggplant? I asked.

Nothing, said Styron, except that I grew it myself.

Thats amazing, I said, not mentioning I hated eggplant.

Its really nothing. All you need is the right soil and

aluminum foil to keep off the cutworms and a lot of manure. Are you finished with your soup yet? he asked impatiently.

Almost, I said, lifting the bowl to my lips.

ART

Other Editors Say Strike Subsidy

(Jacksonville Daily News)

The Department of Health, Education and Welfare finally is coming to grips with the issue of paying welfare benefits to strikers. Under a directive scheduled to take effect this month, aid to families with dependent children the welfare category which now can cover striking workers would be denied in any case where an idle woricer is not also qualified to receive unemployment compensatioa This rule in effect would end the practice in many states of putting families on welfare when the bread-winner goes on stroke Only New York and Rhode Island currently provide unemployment benefits to strikers.

To no ones surprise, complaints are pouring in from labor unions. But the labor argument that a wife and children are not to blame when a strikers pay is cut off is a weak one Welfare programs have a humanitarian purpose, to be sure. Yet the philosophy behind them, as generous as it has become in recent years, is not so broad as to make the public responsible for supporting the family of a person who has a job and is voluntarily choosing not to go to work.

We do not have to look far to see a more compelling reason for unions to be resisting this welfare reform. The promise of welfare checks for a strikers family loads the dice in favor of unions in a Iabo^ management dispute.

Strikes occur when both sides have weighed the economic consequences of a walkout Union members have to decide whether the prospects of a better contract are worth a loss of income. Employers have to consider whether sticking by their contract offer is worth a threatened shutdown of production and loss of business. Bargaining in such an atmosphere becomes weighted in favor of the union if workers can turn to public welfare to ease the economic impact of a strike That is hardly a situation leading to a fair settlement of a bargaining stalemate If the impact on strike settlements is obvious, the impact on public treasuries is harder to calculate because of the complexities of welfare financing. A study by the University of Pennsylvanias Wharton School of Finance produced an estimate that a 71-day strike by the United Auto Workers against General Motors in 1970 shutting down 137 GM plants and idling 329,000 workers around the country cost the American taxpayer $30 million in various welfare benefits paid to strikers. That was nothing but a $30 million public subsidy to the war chest of the UAW.

Legislators and welfare officials often find it difficult to assure that welfare programs are not abused by able-bodied people who are dodging their responsibility to try to find a job and hold it to support their families. The issue is quite clear when it comes to welfare benefits for workers whose idleness results from nothing more than a unions strike strategy. The ta;q>ayer has no responsibility to make it easier for a striker to stay away from his job.

BUCHWALD

Mrs. Styron brought in a large baked sea bass. Styron rushed into the kitchen and came out with the eggplant.

Dont eat too much fish, he warned me. You wont have room for the eggplant.

I took a small serving of fish and a large serving of eggplant.

This bass is delicious, I said.

What about the eggplant? Styron demanded.

Its excellent, I said. Almost as good as you can get in a store.

Its better than you can get in the store! he shouted.

Thats what I meant, I said. You really cant find good eggplant in a store any more. I guess thats because everybody is growing his own.

Have some more, Styron said, holding out the serving bowl.

I took some more eggplant, though my eye was really on the bass dish.

Now, said Styron, I have a surprise for you. He hished off into the kitchen.

Whatever happens, said Mrs. Styron, please dont laugh.

Styron came in with a large plate on which were four tiny gnarled pieces of corn. I picked them this afternoon, he said proudly. I was afrid I wouldnt have any this year because of the blight, but damned if they didnt sprout up in spite of it. The corn is called Silver Queen.

Theyre beautiful, Styron, I said. Its a shame we have to eat them. You could have sold your whole crop to Russia.

I wouldnt let the Russians have my corn, Styron said. They wouldnt appreciate it. Dont worry about the kernels being uneven. Thats the way theyre supposed to look.

If I eat the corn, can I

(Continued on page 5)

Few In Liberal Ranks

By ROBERT B. CULLEN Associated Press Writer RALEIGH (AP)-An opinlor survey conducted for the Statel Board of Education contains| some interesting information! for 1976 gubernatorial aspirants.

The $17,000 survey was con-j ducted by Walter De Vries, who ; handled the polling for Democratic candidate Hargrove Bowles in 1972. De Vries and his staff interviewed 700 North Carolinians, which experts say is about enough to produce a valid sample. Although the survey was primarily concerned with education, De Vries included a number of questions about political attitudes.

To begin with, he found that 53 per cent pf the people perceive themselves as conservatives. Only 25 per cent said they were liberals. The rest were self-styled moderates or unsure.

That predominant conservative thinking is reflected elsewhere in the survey. The vast majority opposes busing; it thinks that discipline and violence in the schools are more important problems than curricular matters.

The typical respondent had an income in the $7,000-$10,000 range. He or she said that the economy 'and unemployment were the major problems facing the country. That might seem to offer fertile ground for a liberal candidate.

But when asked which programs on the state level needed more money, the respondents mentioned crime control programs most often. Liberal favorites like pojlution control and welfare reform were on the bottom of the list.

But when asked if they would favor a 5 per cent tax hike to finance the new programs, two-thirds of the respondents said no. While 69 per cent favored more money for crime control, only 33 per cent said they would be willing to pay higher taxes to provide it. Other state program categories suffered a similar loss of support when higher taxes were mentioned.

In another question, the respondents were confronted with a hypothetical situation in which it was necessary to raise taxes. Which taxes would they raie?

More people29 per cent mentioned the sales tax than any other tax. Raising the income tax was favored by 17 per cent and 11 per cent said they would not raise taxes in any conceivable situation.

Although many economists consider the sales tax a regressive levy that falls disproportionately on the poor, the people apparently feel otherwise. It is seen as a fair tax that everyone pays, De Vries said.

The surveyors also asked which institutions inspired the greatest confidence. Most of the institutions listed were educational. But the governors office and the General Assembly were also on the list. Neither fared very well.

An identical 30.9 per cent of the respondents placed great confidence in the legislative and executive branches. Institutions ranking higher included groups like the state teachers organization.

All of this would be only academically interesting if polls had not become such a major factor in serious statewide campaigns. Similar surveys have been or will be done by the 1976 candidates. Bowles, in 1972, used to carry De Vries latest results in his jacket pocket for easy reference. The polls will help shape the 1976 campaign and the succeeding four years in state government.

No longer is there much chance that an aspiring candidate will independently analyze Ihe states problems, come up (Continued on page 5)

3

Housing Industry Trying Ideas

By JOHN CUNNIFF AP Business Analyst

NEW YORK (AP) - If you continue to have faith in our ability to innovate and work hard then you still might have confidence that our housing predicament will be resolved in the near future.

Right now if s a tight knot, and nobody seems to be able to untie it not the government nor the builder nor the lender nor the potential home buyer.

Interest rates are high, so are land and labor and materials costs, and so of course are prices. Depending upon the estimate you use, the median price of the typical ojie-family house today

I

ranges from $37,000 to $41,000.

When you consider that the median family income is less than $13,000 you realize immediately Uiat hundreds ci thousands of potential buyers are simply priced out <rf the market. Relatively few Americans can afford a new house.

Instead, they are forced to rent But with interest rates to apartment house builders back up to 10 per cenL after decline during the spring and early summer, that type of construction is in the doldrums.

This, of course, is a terrible and complex situation that has vast consequences for the economy. It is fair to ask, in

facL how the economy can move ahead with housing and automotive industries depressed.

But it is at times such as these, judging by the past, that Americans demixistrate their ingenuity. Will the challenge be met? So far it hasnt been, but that doesnt mean efforts arent being made

Among the innovations:

The National Association 0 Home Builders now offers warranties on new homes, and the National Association of Realtors is developing a program for warranties on new and used homes.

UiKler the home builders plan, called the Home

Owners Warranty Prc^ram, registered builders can provide a 10-year protection package on new home con-structioa

Lenders are attempting to develop more flexible mortgages. So far the biggest development has been the variable rate mortgate, which still hasnt obtained federal ai^roval nor, in fact, the acceptance of the homebuying public.

Under a variable rate mortgage the financing cost to the buyer would rise or fall, depending upon economic conditions, rather than remaining the same for the entire20-or 30-year life oi the mortgage.