Friday, June 21, 1963

A Supplement; Not A Replacement

THe Chairman Prepares The Program

State funds for school construction should be a supplement to, rather than a replacement for, local government financial resources for building public school facilities.

Legislative approval of the $100 million school bond issue to be divided among^ the counties of the state leaves with the voters of North Carolina the final decision of whether state funds will be spent in this manner. The governor and the Council of State will designate the date upon which citizens of the state will vote on the proposed bond issue.

There is no doubt that North Carolinas school administrative units could wisely spend the proposed $100 million for needed school construction. There are fetv counties which have the quantity or quality of public school facilities they need.

It should be recognized, however, that con-

House Blockecr Elarly Quitting

By WILLIAM A. SHIRES

BLOCK The Houses refusal to accept a "piggyback Senate redlstrictlng bill brought In by conferees blocked any chance fo^ adjournment of the "General A&seinBly this wek.

There had not been much chance anyway because of amendments to the Revenue Act but some members had been hopeful of bringing the legislature to a close by late Saturday.

The continuing stalemate on redifitricting, however, was sure to extend the length of the regular session by several more days.

At the same time, the House action staved off for a few more days the certainty of a special session next month. But it made the possibility of a special session on redistricting no less likely.

ACCEPT One more attempt ostensibly one final, last gasp attempt was to be made to reach an acceptable comprom-l.se on the hard House - Senate differences on redistricting.

The House permitted this by refusing the conference report. Actually, if it had been of such a mind the House could have made a special session on redistricting inevitable then and there.

It could have done so simply by accepting the conference report on redistricting, then killed the bill.

This could have happened by accident, had the vote been any closer, and if the precise situation had not been explained very clearly by Rep. George Uz-zell of Rowan, the Houses exofficio parlimontarian.

VOTE Prior to the vote Uzzell arose to tell the House that it could accept the conferees report by simple majority. But, he pointed out. In that case the question would recur to passage of the bill providing for a constitutional amendment and this would require three-fifths majority, or 72 votes.

If the bill was killed. Uzzell said, then redistricting w'as dead for this .session unless the House should decide to reconsider the vote.

When the vote came on accepting the conference report, the ayes were drowned in a chorus on noes. Speaker H. Clifton Blue said "the noes have It, and division was called for. This requires a standing vote, and the report was rejected. 45-59.

There was a round of spontaneous applause.

REPORT Word circulated through the House about mid-moming on Wednesday that House - Senate conferees had agreed (m a report wi redistricting. This was soon confirmed by House redistricting chairman John T. Henley and other House conferees.

Henley said the report was being prepared for signature and that it would be submitted as quickly as possible.

An hour later, the word had spread throughout the building. Henley received a message from a page, then went to the press comer of the House. Reporters

leaped up and followed him out of the chamber to a spot in the rotunda for a news conference. Fully a third of the House members left their seats and followed Henley and the newsmen. ,i:he, ,repprt . was ,handi;dL. oyt, and explained by Henjey and by Sen. Staton WiUiams, the Senate committee chairman.

SIGN One of the first observations was that the seven House conferees had split, 4-3, with Henley and Reps. Claude Hamrick and Lester P. Martin Jr. dissenting. Those signing were Reps. Sam L. Whitehurst. Ashley M. Murphy. Lacy Thornburg and Carl V. Venters.

Senate conferees signing the report were Sens. Robert Lee Humber, author of the Humber constitutional amendment bill Insisted upon by the Senate. J. J. Harrington, Ray H. Walton, Cicero P. Yow, Henry G. Shelton and Williams.

The only Senate dissenter was the only Senate conferee appointed who had opposed tie-ing the Currie redistricting bill and the Humber bill together. Sen. Claude Currie of Durham.

HOUSE The drama shifted to the House floor where Henley aiose to present the report, then yielded to Hamrick.

The report, Hamrick said, "does not constitute a compromise. It is no compromise, but acceptance of the Senate version previously rejected overwhelmingly by the House. He urged the House to turn it down.

Whitehurst, however, moved that the conference report be accepted, and it was on this motion that the vote w'as taken.

Thoniburg, Murphy and Rep. Gordon Greenwood of Buncombe all pleaded with the House to accept the report. Thornburg pointed out that under the piggyback version "we re redistricting the Senate with t li e Currie bill, then allowing the people to vote on the Humber amendment which would (D increase the Senate membership from 50 to 60 (2) apportion the 10 additional senators on the basis of population (3i Ihnit any county of two senators.

Said Whitehurst, "if you don't like the Humber amendment, go back home and work against it and vote it dowm. And Thoniburg told the House bluntly that if the report was not accepted, "the blood or money or whatever it is for a special session is gomg to be on our hands.

SETBACK House rejection of the report not only upset adjoumment plans but also dealt an apparent setback to the Sanford administration.

Gov. Terry Sanford has stuck firmly to his predictions that a "redistricting bill will come out of this session. He feels apparently that agreement is still possibly and that a bill will be enacted to avert the necessity of a special session.

Sanford aides w'orked hard on the conference committee to get an agreement and an agreement came with fairly surprising swiftness. But the House with equal swiftness, refused to it

At least for a few more days.

The Daily Reflector

INCORPORATED

Published Every Afternoon Except Sunday Established 1882 DAVID JULIAN WHICHARD, Publisher

Entered at Post Office, Greenville, N. C., as second class

mail matter.

SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Carrier (In Towni) Week 30c

By Carrier (Motor Routes) Week 35c

BY MAIL, Payable In Advance

Greenville Post Office, Pitt County, Robersonviile, Vanceboro, Washington and Chocowlnity.

Three Montlvs ........................... $ 3.75

Six Months .............................. 7.00

One Year ................................ 13 000

North Carolina (other than listed above)

Three Months ............................ $ 4.00

Six Months ............................... 7.50

One Year ..... 14.00

Plus 3% N. C. Sales Tax All Other Outside North Carolina

Three Months ............................ $ 4.25

Six Months .............................. 8.00 . ,

One Year .............................. 15.00

MEMBER ASSOCIATED PRESS

The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to use for publication all news dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited' to this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of special dispatches here are also reserved.

Mtmber Audit Bureau of Circulation.

All advertising copy must be received at least one day before publication date.

struction of public schools is primarily the responsibility of local governments. From time to time in recent decades state funds have been designated for school construction to supplement local funds. But these supplements have not shifted the area of primary responsibility.

Public school administrative units throughout the state which have the financial resources to meet even a part of their needs should not delay their planning for school expansions until they see whether the state bond issue is approved by voters. They should move ahead with plans for local government financing in so far as possible.

There have been occasions in the past when state' school bond issues appeared in the offing, but never materialized. In too many counties, local efforts to meet school needs remained dormant in the hope that state funds were not forthcoming, the schools needs were much more acute than before. Too much time h^d been lost waiting to see if another level of government would foot the bill.

Local government officials throughout the state should see that this situation does not re-occur with this new state bond issue in the offing. Meeting local school construction needs 'with local resources insofar as possible is the best and surest method of providing the best opportunities for local youngster?.

At Least They Could Agree-On^One Facet

Lacking meaningful agreement on disarmament to do away wdth destructive weapons of war, the United States and the Soviet Union at least have been able to agree on a direct teletype cable between their two capitals in an effort to prevent an accidental nuclear war.

In view of the fruitless disarmament negotiations that have been going on for more than a decade, this step is at least of some significance.

There is some question, of course, as to how effective the hot line between Moscow and Washington would be in preventing an all-out nuclear war if by some accident one country or the other were the victim of nuclear explosions. No one, at a high level, has really provided a practical answer to the question except to point out that the hot line would provide immediate communication.

Perhaps the popping of champagne corks at Geneva was more in celebration of the fact that the disarmament negotiations had at last been able to come to agreement on something, than it was because a momentous agreement had been reached.

Kennedy Avoids All-Out Move

\

lit'

W'.

/ "Res-M

By DON SCHUENZ

'Never Again, Unti'.--

A bus-load of tired but proud convention-goers Is returning home to Greenville this afternoon. Theyre the men, women and children who left for Chicago a week ago today.

The international convention of the Moose drew Uiem to Chicago, as well as tliat Mecca of the fraternal order, the child city of Mooseheart.

Greenvilles lodge has something over 1800 members (it is the largest in North Carolina). The great majority are married men, and a large proportion of them have children; some have grandchildren. So their successes, works, triumphs, functions and facilities rather intimately af

fect something over 4,200 people in our area. Its safe to assume more thousands are affected directly or indirectly by the services and activities of the organization.

Tliis is the third year the Greenville lodge has ranked among the top three lodges of the order, in their member-.ship grouping, for services to their community. This is the first year they have won the Order s drill team championship; though they were ready to compete last year there was no competition held.

The community service honors are awarded on works performed all year round. The drill team title is award-

By JAMES MARLOW

WASHINGTON lAP) The civil rights program President Kennedy has handed Congress is the most far . reaching of his presidency but he stiil avoided going all out.

For the first time in this century Congress passed some civil rights legislation in 1957. It pascd some more in 1960. Both times it was mill. Congress sepms sure to pass some of Kennedys program this year for one main reason:

Racial tensions in the United States is far more critical than at any time.

But Kennedy didnt propose although he said he supported the idea a fair employment practices commission which could compel employers everywhere not to discriminate against Negroes in hiring or firing.

or did he propose sweeping authority for the attorney general to start court action against anyone who deprived any citizen of his civil rights.

There was so much opposition to both an FEPC and this kind of broad authority for the attorney general that neither of these ideas seems to have a chance in Congress. Yet, Negro leaders would like to see both become law.

Altogetlier Kennedy has made eight principal proposals in 1963, five Wednesday, three earlier. They have broad scope, which is a contrast to anything he proposed since becoming President.

His reluctance until now about pushing for meaningful civil rights legislation appeared to be based on the hope that if he didn't anger the Southern Democrats with civil rights bills they might be nice to him on other programs he wanted.

He was forced into his present position by the increasing actions and demands of Negroes. But just how much he gets out of what he has asked depends on a number of factors starting with himself;

How hard will he fight for what he asked?

Here are some of the other factors;

Will enough Republicans join enough Northern Democrats to

smash a Southern filibuster to pass a civil rights pi-ogram that has any real meaning?

The Southerners will fight. If they fight hard enough, they may endanger some of Kennedys other programs. If then Kennedy feels he has to pacify them by making concessions, hell get far less than he asked.

And, no one can predict the racial situation in the next few months. A race riot might scare Congress into approving a far broader civil rights bill than it would otherwise consider.

Kennedys three earlier requests to Congress were on strengthening protection of Negroes voting rights: continuing the life of the Civil Rights Commission; and providing technical and financial aid to school districts which were trying to desegregate but, because they were, needed help.

Wednesdays five proposals covered these fields:

1. Guaranteeing equal accommodations in public facilities like hotels and restaurants.

2. Empowering the attorney general to take court action against segregated schools if the Negro parents, whose children had been excluded, were too poor or afraid to act by themselves.

Some la^Ters dont believe the attorney general needs any special law to take such action, that he can act now any time he pleases under the 14th Amendment which guarantees all people equal treatment.

3. Various steps to get fairer and fuller employment, like more money for programs to train Negroes in jobs, various actions by the government and its top people to get cooperation in cutting down job discrimination.

Vigorous action by the Kennedy administration could certainly reduce or eliminate discrimination hi jobs where government contracts are irtvolved,

4. Kennedy asked Congress to create a community relations sehvlce he said hed create one himself until Congress gave it a formal blessing to work with biracial

(Continued On Page 5)

Other Editors Saying... A Vote Of Tolerance

(Christian Science Monitor)

Within Britain, but also throughout the Western world with its traditions of representative government, one lesson from the Profumo case stands out. In the conduct of national affairs there is an eighth deadly sin. It is complacency. Prime Minister Macniillans "Never had it so good era ha.s reached a climax in what Britains o\^Ti press is calling "the worst British political scandal of the century.

Mr. Macmillan has not been able to escape the con.sequenc-es of the personal weaknesses of a member of his administr^t-tion, totally foreign as these are to his own standards of condcct. He has not even been able to win a very profound sympathy in the nation or in his own party for himself.

The vote for the Conservative government which followed Mondays debate was only technically a vote of confidence. To call it a vote of tolerance would come nearer the fact. It was a vote by Tories with even a sizable number of them dissenting to refrain from adding to a long sequence of party misfortunes an open division within the party.

What has been called the tribal instinct of the Conservatives that sixth sense by which they choose their leaders and with which they achieve enough outward unity to fend off the foe no matter what the inner disunity may be this has come to the momentary rescue of Mr. Macmillan. But it does not aim at saving him. Reportedly the unity he needed in Cabinet and Parliament may have been secured by his promise to fellow Conservatives to step down soon from the party leadership.

The debate in Parliament was not a complete reflection of

the attitudes of the British public to the Profumo affair.

Parliament has been searching for the flaws in security which for months permitted the Minister of Defense to have a shabby proximity to an individual seeking British military secrets for the Soviet Union. It has been trying to rletcrmine whether leaders of the government, including even the Prime Minister, were for political reasons hiding knowledge.

But the British people have been more conceraed with the moral aspects of the case. They condemn the government as much for the moral laxness which has figured in this and other security cases as for the dangers to which questionable relationships have exposed national defense.

The blow - up could have one unexpected effect. If it is followed by a chance of leadership in the Conservative Party, it may siphon off some of the lesser dissatisfactions with the government which have been reflected in by - elections and popularity polls. There may appear a clearing of the air.

For the moment the Opposition, Labor and Liberal, has a field day. The dramatic aspects of the Profumo case, without parallel in recent parliamentary history, touch the British people where their pride is be.st justified and host sensitive the point of individual and national honor. A strong emotion has been galvanized.

But to keep the Profumo affair alive, say, till next spring, which will be near the strategic deadline for a Conservative call for an election, would be quite a feat for Labor. By then the more ordinary considerations of political life will be uppermost, and Profumo will be one of a numbtr of factors in the over - all balance of favor.

.rioover

31azec.

ed on one performance, but that performance is backed up by hundreds of hours of practicing toward perfection.

Then there was the Pilgrim Degree of Merit awarded Ell Bloom in Chicago, Sunday. This is the highest sort of recognition that the Order be.stows, and it Is based on the devotion of energies toward serving others. The degree i.s not lightly given, there are only a handful of holders in North Carolina.

In their way, these recognitions bring attention to Greenville, all over the country and in Canada. To call a spade a "spade its good publicity.

But back to our returning conventioneers;

For them it has been a wearying jaunt which even the excitements of large crowds of people and the meeting of friends, winning honors and witnessing the bu.sine.ss of an international organization cannot erase.

Of course they visited the Child City; and If their reactions are similar to those of others who related the experience. they will be running soon out of descriptive adverbs in their enthusiasm. And the stories they'll tell will remain fresh in their memories for a lifetime.

Today, as they return to the re.stful comforts of home . . . numbed by the exhaustion of a 24-hour bus ride . . , you can bet the worlds "Never again! will be heard again and again.

But well before the years out. the good memories will have drowned out the bad and theyll be thinking of another convention trip.

Just wait and see.

Opinions

'.'.n .Brief

"Senators are opposed to the defense secretarys program to eliminate all bombers. They dont like the sound of McNamaras ban. Fort Myers (Fla.) News-Press.

"Education is what a man gets w'hen he sits in his living room with a group of teenagers.Sparta (Ga.) Ismael-ite.

"We live in a time when our country cannot be divided not between slave and free or black and white. If we cannot permit each man and woman to find the rightful place in a free society to which they are entitled by merit, we connot preserve a free society Itself. Lyndon Johnjson.

A Trail

By JOHN CHAMBERLAIN Copyright, 1963, King Features Syndicate, Inc.

The news comes that Herbert Hoover, now 88, is ill, and it sends a shiver of apprehension through people. Then, a couple of days later, a bulletin from three physicians says that the "chief is better, though still running a low fever and the apprehension, if it does not wholly die away, at least retreats to the edge of ones subconscious.

It was just a couple of weeks ago that the same rise-and-fall pattern of fear attended the news that Bernard Baruch, who at 92 is the real granddaddy among our elder statesmen, was under the weather. Fortunately, he escaped from his troubles, and the worry about him subsided. But the apprehensions of the past month impel me to praise the wise old men when they are still around to hear it.

When one braces for the worst In connection with an illness of one of the grand old men, one things of how lucky it is that we have had a few l(mg - lived survivors a^nd 3:hQ played . significant roles in the pre-World War I world, when the triad of faith, hope and charity was something more than a cynical joke. The world wdll be in a pretty pickle when the last of our elder statesmen who grew up In the long period of peace between 1870 and 1914 have gone. They have remembered, and frequently called it to our attention, that compulsion in most relationships defeats itself.

When Herbert Hoover was President, he made what he hoped would be temporary use of practically all of the political gadgetry later associated with the New Deal. His Fann Board tried to support the agricultural markets in ways that were later utilized by the Roos-eveltlan "Triple A. His Reconstruction Finance Corporation was taken over intact by the brain-trusters who swarmed to Washington in 1933. His attempt to keep businessmen from cutting wages became finn Roase-veltlan policy. But whenever he invoked a New Deal type of device, Herbert Hoover spoke of the need of equiplng It with a "terminal facility." He never mistook a provisional thing for a sound long - term institution.

Bernard Baruch, like Hoover, was one whose crisis methods were adc^Jted by the New Dealers. It was his War Industries Board of 1918 that provided the Rooseveltian brain - trusters with the pattern for the National Recovery Administration. But Baruch couldnt go along with the compulsory price - fixing and market - hmitation that was part of the NRA. As an advisor oti agricultural policy, Baruch believed in a voluntary approach to crop control.

One of his ideas was to have the big fai'm organizations purchase the Armour Grain Company, one of the nations biggest giain markethig houses, and then apply co - operative marketing techniques to the bu.siness of crop disposal. The California Fi*uit Growers Exchange had already succeeded in keeping the business of orange growing profitable by bringing all the important West Coast fruit growers into a marketing co - operative. and Baruch thought the same idea applied to other crops might work.

Whether this could have been done legally under the antitrust laws Is a good question. But the attempt of aU the post-1933 political farm administrations to use compulsion where Baruch would have used voluntary action has failed, just as Baruch feared it must fail.

In England and in the United States of which he is an honorary citizen Baruchs good friend Winston Churchill has lived to stress the liberal idealism which he calls a "cheerful light playing over the thoughts and hopes of men and inspiring noble deeds. Not so many years ago Churchill expanded on what he tei-med "the seven tests of freedom. The "seven tests included freedom to oppose and criticize the government of the day. freedom to turn that government out by con-stitutiMial means, the existence of a court system free from all association with particular political parties, subservience of the judges themselves to well - established law, fair play for poor and rich alike, continued maintenance of individual rights, and the freedom of men to work (Continued on Page 5)

35-Hour Week Will Be Pushec.

Strength For Today

By EARL L. DOUGLASS THE MYSTIFYING FUTURE

In a book recently written by one of the great scientists of the world occur these words: "Before long, human footsteps will Imprint the dust of the moons surface.

Now they are talking about visiting the planets. What about flying saucers whichunless thousands of respected citizens are either liars or lunatics are appearing hundreds of times every year over different portions of the globe?

Some of us can remember when certain of the great Inventions came into being. Radio shocked the world in the early 20s and until the early 40s scientists were declaring that there were certain basic difficulties which would render television impossible. Now we travel faster than sound. Satellites circle the earth and send back astounding information.

Other satellites are wandering Other satellites are wandering through the vast void, and every day newspapers are disclosing some new wonder about our celestial neighbors.

The great scientist sp<^n about above has a chapter in his bo(* on "Arms and Arms Control in Outer Space. He speaks of orbital bombs, lunar-based bombs, orbital interceptors, manned vehicles, reconnaissance devices and decoys.

Heavens above! What are we coming to ? Might there be Interplanetary war? Will our grandchildren be taking a two-week holiday to visit the moon? There are some who claim thac people from other planets are actually living among us.

What is this aU leading to? Will life go on through the centuries about the same as it has in the past, or will our descendants find themselves in sic-uatlons which today we cannot ejjen imagine?

By ELMER ROSSNER

The campaign for the universal 35-hour week will be intensified next year. There are two major reasons:

1. The high biith rate of the 1940s will result in more additions to the labor force than the number of new Jobs in business and Industry. Organized labor will insits that cutting the work week wiU increase the number of jobs.

2. Because it is an elect-tlon year, labor will count on the support of politicians of both jwuties for the 35-hour week.

The drive for the shorter week is two-pronged. Labor is fighting for it in contract negotiations and it is fighting for it in Federal legislation. That was how it won the 40-hour week: through legislation pushed through Congress by Franklin D. Roosevelt.

BATTLE PARTLY WON

Some unions have already won weeks of less than 40 hours: in publishing, construction, garmen^ making, rubber manufacture juid a few othei's.

Many offices operate on 35-and 37^2-hour weeks and the New York construction elect-trical workers have a 25-hour week.

Many unions have gained the equivalent of the shorter work week in more holidays and longer vacations. One authority calculates that the American worker since 1940 has gained 155 hours a year in time paid for but not worked. That is a reduction of three hours in the average work week.

There is one curious point to the demand for a shorter work week:

Labor is trying to increase the sales of its services by making them more expensive. It is as if a big department store, finding itself stuck with a warehouse full of sheets, decided to try to sell them by increasing the price.

"AT NO REDUCTION

Thats because all proposals for the 35-hour week include the proviso, "at no reduction In pay. Furthermore, unions demand, in contract negotiations or in proposed legislation.

that all work over 35 hours in one week be paid for at time-and-a-half, Often the demand is that all work in excess of seven hours a day get that premium.

That would make all labor more expensive.

The company with a large number of employees could add one-seventh more workers to get the same amount of production. This would Increase its labor costs 14.3 per cent. Small firms, with less than seven employees, or less than seven employees doing any one job, would find it more ec(Hi-omlcal to pay overtime, but that overtime would Increase labor costs by 21.4 per cent.

Thus large companies would Increase their already superior position over small ones. THE HIGHER THE FEWER .

If American labor costs were pushed up 14.3 per cent or more, the consequences might be far reaching. Almost all prices would have to be increased, since labor is usually the major cost of any goods or services.

This would give further advantage to competitors in the export market, since American wages are already higher than those In any other big exporting nation. In fact, the wage diflforential, unless olffset by higher tariffs, would lead to a a rise in imports here. Everybody would be tempted to use German or Belgian steel or wear Hong KcHig tailored suits.

However, business and consumers refused to pay higher prices for goods or services, the unprofitable ones would be dr(H>ped, al(ig with the people who made them.

And automation, which has been chewing up jobs at a fast rate, would be greatly stimul-lated. The sellers of auUmiatic equipment would have an added 14.3 per cent margin In which to operate.

Cutting the woiic week to 35 hours with a proportionate cut in pay would tend to Increase employment somewhat, but not by one-seventh. However, workers dont want that, quite naturally. (A Bell-Mcaure Syndicate Feature) >