PAGE POURTHE DAaV REFLECTOR. GREENVILLE, N. C.

Wedneda7, July 6. 1960

.Wedjiesday, July 6, 1960

Bluebeards Next Victim

' . ' Truman Weakened His Own Claims

Former President Trumans convention-rigging cbuarges leveled at National Chairman Paul Butler have bden weakened rather than strengthened by Mr. Trumans accompanying decision to personally boycott the Democratic convention next week.

While it is the feeling of the former leader of the former leader of the party that the convention-rigging he alleges is ample reason for his declining to serve as an official delegate, there are manyeven those in

sj^pathy with Mr. Trumans positionwho regard his boycott of the convention a slap at the party as well as at Butier and Sen, John Kennedy.

Political party protocol in this country call for party factions to settle their differences in family fights and then unite in support of the candidate a:gainst the opposition. While there is no question about Mr. Trumans supporting the Democratic nominee in November, the fact that he is staying out of the convention as a delegate tends to put him on the outside rather than on the inside of the family squabble.

It may be likened to the position of the little boy who will not play ball with the gang unless they let him choose his own position. His demands are disregarded as long as he remains aloof from the game. Once he joins the game, however, his chances of geU ting what he wants are greatly improved.

from the inside. If all those who feel as Mr. Truman does stayed away from the convention as delegates it would provide a clear field for Chairman Butler to carry out his wishes without being challenged.

In 1948 Mr. Truman was among those who severely criticized delegations from some of the Southern states for quitting the party convention when they found the cards heavily stacked against them. Even more recently the former president has insisted that a walk-out or threatened walk-out from the convention or party showed lack of genuine interest in the welfare of the party.

Is Trumans decision not to aftend the convention as a delegate any more of a slap at the party and the convention than the action of he Southern delegates who left the convention in 1948?

Party scraps, convention fights must be fought within the party and within the convention. Those who would alter the course in which the party seems to be headed must do so from the inside, not from the outside.

Mr. Truman would be in a much better position to battle the convention-rigging he charges if he had remained an official delegate rather than withdrawing as a delegate to the convention. His charges, both now and next week, would carry more weight.

It seems to us that Mr. Trumans charges that the convention has been rigged would make it more urgent that he remain a delegate to fight the alleged rigging

How Will We Fare In

Arguments For Soecial Session

The Next Natl Holiday?

By LYNN NISBET

EXTRAThe suggestion that t special session of the General Assembly might be called early in January to attend the inauguration of Governor Terry Sanford has been opposed on the basis of cost. Advocates of the special session insist that the additional cost would be very small. Getting the election of a Speaker of the House and oUitef officials out of the way before the regular session convenes almost certainly would save as much time later as it would take in January.

The small extra cost would pay dividends in enabling the new administration to get started on its program a month earlier. In the long run that might .save many times its cost in mileage for the legislators.

There is another justification for a special session unless the new Governor wants to delay his induction. The constitution fixes the beginning of his term as January 1 following his election. There are some statutory requirements, too.

G.,S. 147-4. dealing with the induction of elected ocers, reads in part: . . . On the first Thursday after the convening of the General Assembly, the person duly elected Governor shall, in the pressence of a joint session of the two houses of the Assembly, take the oatk of office prescribed by law and be immediately Inducted into the <rffice of Governor. . .*

If it should be^held that rrf-erence is to the regular session only, a special session could be called on Monday and change the-date for the regular session t<r^e(bie6day. January 4, the data on which sessions convened from 1868 until 1957.

"MACHINE** Terry Sanford proved conclusiveb^ during the recent campaign that he is an effective political organizer. He was able to acquire and hold support from what had been widely divergent and vig-oroasly opposing groups. Ques-tiUdl being asked now are whether he can maintain such a working organization for other purposes, as well as tighten up the administration of State government. He has talked about a "new day", and some of the oppasition in the primary stem-ntW from the fear he might form a machine that would take over and run the State for many years.

It has been many times pointed out that North Carolina has never had a political "boss like those in big cities and some other states- The late Senator F.M. Simmons came status than any oth-eaman. He was recognized leader of the faction that was dominant through the first quarter of this century- He lost pres

tige when he refused to support the Democratic nominee for President in 1928. Two years ^ later he was defeated in a race for a sixth term in the Senate by J.W. Baey.

Within a few years Max Gardner had assumed recognized leadership of the dominant group, which contained many new people as well as a good many old Simmons folks. Gardner retained his influence until his death in 1947, despite several unsuccessful challenges.

Since then has been no dominant faction in the Democratic party, and no person recognized as the chief or authoritative spokesman. A machine", maybe two of them, was in the making in 1948 but death broke it up before it really got started.

BROUGHTON - SCOTT Joe Blythe, Mecklenburg senator and treasurer df the Democratic national committee, was known to have his eye on the governorship, had a good embryo organization and was gaining acceptance as leader of the conservative group.

Kerr Scott had just been elected Governor, and J.M. Broughton had defeated William Um-stead for the U.S. Senate seat. Scott had large personal following, but very little organization as was later proven by his inability to transfer his strength to Frank Graham. Hubert Olive. Itimous Valentine and Murray James- Broughton had a pretty good organization carried over from his 1940 campaign for Governor and the 1948 Senate race. There was evidence that Broughton and Scott might combine and make a powerful group.

Then within three months after the new administrations began, Blythe and Broughton both died. There were no lieutenants able to step Into their places. The machines broke down before they got on the road.

The record holiday traffic death toll feared for the July 4th week-end has materialized to add a tragic note to the otherwise pleasant holiday.

Well over 400 lives were snuffed out on the highways of the nation during the three-day period which ended at mid-night Monday. While there have been holidays in which more lives were lost on the highways, the number killed this year sets a new high for a three-dayy July 4th week-end.

Pitt County was fortunate during the holiday. It got by with no traffic deaths, only three personal injuries and few accidents. Other areas of the state were not nearly so fortunate as at least 18 persons died in traffic accidents^two more than was estimated for the holiday period by the Nort^i Carolina State Motor Club.

By HENRY HOWARD

No Taste For Clambakes

It is tragic indeed that the major holidays in this nation have become periods of tragedy as well as periods of happiness and relaxation. With each holiday it is necessary to repeatedly warn motorists of the danger which exists on the highways. And more times than not, the traffic death toll for the holiday period surpa.sses even the grim predictions that are made.

The mid-summer holiday with its terrible traffic toll is now history. How w^ell will the high price be remembered by the time the next national holiday is upon us?

r

Fruman Didnt

Yesterday morning before th county commissioners got down to business the usual monthly greetings and hearty laughter filled the commissionerss room in the courthouse.

After all five men had arrived and were just before getting underway. Woody Wootens familiar laugh attracted most attention.

He and Bob Martin were discussing something about a clambake.

When the other commissioners heard clambake, they became suddenly attentive. Immediately all five were getting their kicks out of what was being said about the feast.

It seems the gentlemen were served baked clams as a spec

ial dinner or something during the recent state convention of county commissioners on the coast.

The way it turned out, however, neither of the Pitt delegation got any particular satisfaction out of the clams. As a matter of fact, theyd have rather eaten hot dogs and sour kraut or something.

No one had professed to be a connoisseur of fine foods or anything, but the clambake, they said. Just didnt appeal to the average eating lasmian.

Who had conjured up the feast was not disclosed, but the board, in unofficial action, was of the opinion that whoever It was should o longer be allowed kitchen privileges.

While Vance Perkins and Alton Gardner, remembering well the feast, %at smiling those kinds of smiles you smile when remembering something that didnt particularly agree with the taste buds. Robert Little vividly described the clambake.

When they brought it out. he declared, *'it looked like they had a little of ever3dhing all tied up in a dirty piece of cloth. He said he just couldnt take it.

Bob Martin, who was unable to attend the convention, just sat resred back in his chair thinking, in at least one instance. he was just as well off at home.

Teil Very Much

Other Editors Saying . Truman And The Future

William Umstcad was organ- ization conscious. The day after his inauguration as Governor he suffered a heart attack. For two years he fought valiantly to do his job as Governor, with no time or strength for anything else. He died in late 1954.

Luther Hodges succeeded to the governorship and inherited the Umstead budget, legislative program and appointed personnel. Again there was no opportunity for machine building, and Governor Hodges has been in bad grace with much of the party leadership.

Sanford has the ability, as evidenced by his campaigning, and the opportunity is at hand for a powerful organization. How effective it will be and how long it will survive will depend upon many things besides his owm ability.

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By JAMES MARLOW

WASHINGTON (AP) It was a strange performance.

Former President Truman got headlines in a sensational way-by impljdng next weeks Democratic convention is riggedbut there are still some unanswered questions about Truman himself.

He impliedalthough Truman Is a man who always prided himself on his frankness that the forces behind Sen. John F. Kennedys presidential ambitions had the convention fixed."

But he did it only by innuendo. He never said it flatly. He never got specific. He never gave details and although he said he knew first-hand of some instances he never gave examples.

This lack of example was one of the things Kennedy complained of Monday when, in a nationwide answer on TV, he pledged himself to a non-rigged, open convention.

Truman said he had resigned as a delegate to the convention because he had no desire to be a party to proceedings that are taking on the aspects of a prearranged affair.

A convention which is controlled in advance by one group and its candidate leaves the delegates no opportunity for a Democratic choice and reduces the convention to a mockery, Truman went on.

After a few more paragraphs in the prepared statement Truman, without making a direct link between the alleged rigging and the Kennedy forces, said he was disappointed in the manner in which some of the backers" of Kennedy have acted although he more or less absolved Kennedy himself from taking part in whatever they Are supposed to have.

The point is that Truman never actually said what the 'Kennedy forces did.

At the news conference which followed a reporter asked Truman to get down to cases and say what you have in mind.

Truman avoided a direct reply ^ by saying the answer was in his prepared statement, although it wasnt.

This writer, watching the news conference on TV, thought the reporters failed to ask some obvious questions.

Since the former President said he felt compelled to do whatever I can to alert the Los Angeles convention," he could have been asked:

1. Why resign as a delegate? Having alerted the convention with his Saturday statement, why didnt he, if he felt so strongly about it, then go to the convention as a delegate and fight what he didnt like?

2. Wasnt thsi the same as telling the other delegates to make a fight which he wasnt willing to go to Los Angeles to make himself?

3. What was resigning as a delegate going to accomplish except to deprive the convention of Truman?

4. Why, if he felt so strongly about it, didnt he go all the way in alerting the delegates by telling them specifically about the instances of rigging he sakl he himself knew?

5. Why did he il^en hold a news conference after making his TV statement if he didnt want to answer reporters questions?

Only one thing came through clearly. Truman wanted to stop Kennedy in the most sensational way he could think ofa nationwide broadcast on TV.

But Truman showed amazing inconsistency on what seemed to be his main opposition to Kennedythe senators age. Kennedy is 43. Truman listed a number of Democrats he considered worthy of consideration for the partys presidential nomination.

One was only a year older than Kennedy and one was a year younger. The two men, both from Minnesota, were Sen. Eugene McCarthy, 44, and Gov. Orville Freeman, 42.

(Greensboro Daily News)

The St. Louis Post-Dispatch probably has the best explanation for its fellow Missourian Harry Trumans blast at Senator Kennedy and sudden boost of Lyndon Johnsons presidential stock.

It is difficult to escape the view that Mr. Truman is acting out of frustration," comments the Post-Dispatch. He went to the 1956 convention determined to gain the nomination for Governor Harriman. The effort was a decisive failure. Now he sees the campaign of his 1960 choice, Mr. Symington, bogging down. Mr. Truman pleads for an open convention; we wonder what his reaction would be were the positions of Senators Kennedy and Symington reversed."

The St. Louis newspaper and Mr. Truman differ in their preferences of Democratic candidates. The PostrDlspatch favors Adlai Stevenson. Mr. Truman, in his Saturday press conference, pointedly ignored Mr. Stevenson while listing a string a Democratic possibilities, including some even younger than Senator Kennedy, whom the ex-Presi-dent advised to be patient because of his age.

But this difference in preference hardly diminishes the correctness of the Post-Dispatch view. For it is also difficult to escape the view that Mr. Truman probably is out of touch with events and no longer has much influence within the Democratic Party.

With all the respect and popularity accorded Mr. Truman by his party, surely he would have a chance to speak at the convention next week.

Spilling his charges of a rigged" convention a week in advance, he obviously threw his weight behind the stop-Kennedy movement. National Chairman

Paul Butler openly favors Kennedy and Rep, Chester Bowles, a Kennedy adviser, is chairman of the platform-writing committee, hut evidence that the Los Angeles convention is rigged was not explicitly furnished by Mr. Truman.

In fact, a rigged Democratic convention is almost a contradiction in terms. Senator Kennedy may think he has a first ballot nomination all ^wed up. but Democratic delegates are notably individualistic souls. Oddly enough, the stop-Kennedy movement Mr .Truman has joined could result in a Kennedy-Johnson deadlock working to the advantage of the man Mr. Truman regards so poorly. Adlai Stevenson.

But basically what Harry Truman seems not to have sensed is that the times are creating new leaders^-that this Is an age for younger men.

Senator Kennedys ability to put together a combination of all sorts of Democratic politicians, ranging from Harvard Yard to the Chicago Stockyards, has impressed the young coming leaders of the Democratic Party.

These yoimg men in all the Democratic parties from New York to California who have come to power in the past decade are not disrespectful of Mr. Truman, comments James Reston in The New York Times, but it is the old story, noted by Shakespeare among others, that men rather honor the rising than the setting sun.

This is the point that Harry Truman has missed. He thought he could startle the delegates at Los Angeles into doing what he wanted but he started late. And, notes Reston, whenever a convention is confronted with a choice between the past and the future it always tends to go along with what is coming up.

One of those n(^ heralding the need for a column (this column) puzzled the columnist yesterday. It read:

Did you know is column ycur <

due for publication the in tomcrrow Daily Reflector?

It was easy enough to get the idea from the five lines, but how was it supposed to read? Smoothly or not? Even after several minutes of study, it appeared not-So we inquired and found the lines are merely an example of an experimental systm for speeding up reading. It has actually been under study for a time and some research experts think such a system would be beneficial Indeed.

How does it work? The designers of the system realized a person reads, line by ,line, from left to right. They contended time was being wasted in moving the eyes from the right end of each line all ^the way back to the beginning" of the next line at the far left

The theory involved reading the first line from left to right, then the second from right to left. The third is read left to right and the fourth vice versa and son on. The result is still a back and forth movement of the eyes, but each movement is used for reading.

. The above five lines, when read properly go like this: Did you know your column is due for publication tomorrow in the Dally Reflector?

Naturally tobacco growers want to use a chemical which will reduce the hard task of pulling suckers from tobacco stalks. But the end result may be that in trying to eliminate a hard chore, they will'make the task of earning a living from totocco fields much harder. The Sampsonian.

Policy

"n Vise

By GEORGE E. SOKOLSKT . Co^rrlghl, I960. King Featarei . Syvdleate, lac.

The Cuban situation further emphasiaes the Inllexibilitar of our foreign activities. We seem to be caught In a vise. Actually, the President, con hardly do anything except to order troops in. He could not, oh his own, proclaim economic sanctions against a country which is def-Itely our enemyan implacable, miserable enemy. He cannot order troops in without violating the Rk) Treaty and we do not know whether the countries of the Organization of American States would support us or support Castro on doctrtnatre grounds.

The Sugar Bill is a ease In point. The United States subsidizes ttie Cuban sugar industry by purchasing a quota of sugar from Cuba at more than two cents a pound over and above the world price. No- matter what Chiba does to the United States, the President has had no power of retaliatloQ and the United States was required by law to continue to subsidize an enemy even if the money we give him is used against us.

The Sugar Bill (H.R. 12311) gives to the President authority to establish the quota for sugar, at whatev^ amount Im sees fit for the balance oi tiie jrear 1960 and for 1961. .

There has been considerable resistance to giving the President this authority, the resistance coming from American sugar growers In Cuba who do not wish to have the present arrangements changed. Unfortunately for them, too many events are occurring In too many parts of the world for any current arrangement to be of a permanent nature. That is why there must be mcK-e Executive flexibility.

For instance, when the present sugar quota and prices were arranged with Cuba, the' government of that country was pro-American. It may or may not have been the most satisfactory government In the world, but we could get along . with It. That ought to be the, sole criterion for the American ' attitude toward any government: is it or is It not friendly and compatible to the United States; does it deal with the United States fairly; are our goods well-received in its markets? We do not need to decide whether the form of any government is compatible with ours. Most are not.

Those deskmen in the State Department who were so violently anti-Batista and pro-Castro were not giving much thought to the United States. They were deep up to their hips in Cuban affairs; They were concerned with the intimacies of the Cuban situation.

Did it ever occur to them that the United States had a stake in It all? When I Uved In the Par East, the same attitude was always true of our people there American officials in China were pro-Chinese; the American officials in Japan were pro-Japanese. Who was pro-American?

Thus, the State Department was violently anti-Batista ^ and equally violently pro-Castro. Now, it has to find a way out of the deskmens errors and it is very difficult. Will they resign as a Britisher would do or will they commit sulaide like a Sumarai? Not at all. They will be promoted to higher posts. No matter how many errors they make and how grievous the errors, seniority and secrecy save them.

The President needs great flexibility of power during the Cold War. Without It, his hands are tied because the Soviet group moves so swiftly. In the Cuban situation, economic sanctions should have been employed almost immediately. That would have corrected the first error of the State Department deskmen who accepted Herbert Matthews of The New York Times" as their guide and misread the entire Cuban altiiatlon.

This also needs to be said; you and I can make mistakes because we are never in possession of all the facts of a situation, no matter how hard we may try these days to inform ourselves. The same cannot be true of the deskmen In the State Department who have access to all sorts of data. For instance, they know all about Castro from our Ambassador to Cuba, Earl E. T. Smith, and they had reports from our Am-(Continued cm Page 9)

J

Strength For Today

uxuries Beyond Olden Dreams

By EARL L. DOUGLASS WHAT IS THE ANSWER?

A puny child was brought into a London hospital for treatment. Upon his arrival, the nurse oifer-ed him a glass of milk. The youngster was about to drink when he looked up at the nurse and said, "How deep may I drink. Miss?"

Behind this question stretches a panorama of wretchedness. In the home from which the child came, a glass of milk means a few sips for this child and the rest of the glas.s shared with brothers and sisters.

All over the world people have to ask the que.stions, How deep may I drink?" This is not be-caiLse there is not enough to go around, but because the human race with all its boastful wisdom cannot arrange an adequate

distribution of life's benefits. In every country of the world there are people who have so much that they groan in surfeit. Alongside them live multitudes who have scarcely enough to hold body and soul together. This situation constitutes the base from which CommunLsm and other subversive systems start their march against the jwesent social set-up But Communism is not the answer. People are prevented from drinking deeply from the benefits of life not because of false economic systems but because false men and women all over the world keep others from their rightful share of lifes benefits. The answer to the problem Is to be found not In the w^ritlngs of Karl Marx but on the pages of the New Testament

By ELMER ROESSNER

Romans? Athenians? Carthaginians? Babylonians?

Bums!

Ours is the real luxury civilization.

We may not have the baths'of Pompeii, the dalliances of Versailles, the temples of Venus of Canda nor the festivals of Bacchus in Rome but, boy! we sure cover ourselves with luxury Just as if beautiful models were spraying us with strawberries and cream from aerosol cans.

Seriously: The portion of our earnings that we spend on luxuries Is almost incredible.

For example, the Census Bureaus recapitulation of spending at retail last year shows: Liquor stores $4,729,006,006

Drinking places $5,118,000,000

That amounted to almost $10 billion for kk;ks, courage and, in .some cases, medicine.

MORE TO COME

That was more than 4 per cent of total consumer spending in retail stores. The total $215,-413,000,000,

Spending in grocery stores amounted to $46,043,000.000. For nourishing vittles largely. But some went for beer and wine, and in some states, for liquor. No one knows how much. Two thousand dollars? Too small! Two billion? Probably too big, but perhaps not by very much;

Then theres a tabulation of eating places, as distinguished from drinking places. Total spending last year: $10,488.000,000.

That Included cafeterias, where working people grabbed quick breakfasts, short lunches. It Included meals for millions who have no kitchen (or cook) lif their homes. But it also included luxury spending: men on the town, vacationers, business entertainers and a lot of other luxury eating, contrasted with

subsistence eating; it takes on a lot of luxury eating, contrasted with subsistence eating; It takes on a lot of luxury drinking too, doesnt it, Mr. Martini?

How much? No one knows. But the luxury eating and drinking was probably less than generally supposed; probably no more than $2 billion. OTHER LUXURIES

Another Item; $32,472,000,009 for passehger cars. How much for luxury? Again, no one knows. This included cars for salesmen, for small deliveries, for men and women getting back and forth to work. Perhaps only $10 billion was for cars for touring, gadding and getting to the supermarket in style befitting the 1960 model housewife.

General merchandise: $23,391,-(M)0.ooo. How much for luxury? Half?

Apparel: $13,266,000.000. Half

for luxury? Come now, Roessner, use your wits! More likely two thirds.

Home furnishings and related Items: $11.042.000,000. How

much for luxuries? For unnecessarily expensive television and radio receivers, hi-fi equipment, Iab(M' saving gadgets, or luxury furnishings? A guess: $6 bUbon.

Gas service stations: $16,793,-000,000. If a third of driving is for pleasure, that* would make $5 billion for gasoline for such purposes.

The Census figures are rough; the estimates of what parts are spending for luxuries is even rougher. But the estimates are conservative and they show that approximately 25 per cent of , American spending last year was for luxury.

The total was around $54 billion.

No wonder the Russians want to take us overl

I.>/