CYRUS B. WATSON
FOR JUDGE CLARK

Distinguished Democrat Warmly Endorses
Him for United States Senate

DECLARES INTERESTS AT WORK AGAINST HIM

“His Real Enemies Are the Great Monopolies Who Are
Pulling the Strings: for the Ones Who Are Doing the
Most Talking ’’—George W. Perkins and Others Like
Him ‘‘ Would Sooner Enter Into a Contract to Feed an
Unbridled Rattlesnake from a Short-Handled Teaspoon”’
Than to Interview Judge Clark as to His Intentions as

to Pending Legislation.

To the Editor: I favor Curer Jus-
Tick WALTER CLARK for the Senate to
succeed Senator Simmons, and believe
it no less than my duty to give my
reasons and state my position in an-
swer to many inquiries from individu-
als which I have not the time to an-
swer properly in any other way than
this.

In the first place, Judge Clark has
no superior in the\ State in learning
and ability. He has no equal, as I be-
lieve, in industry, hard work, and de-
yotion to duty. His numerous opin-
ions, as found in our Supreme Court
Reports, will be read long after he has
passed away, and the verdict of pos-
terity will be that Walter Olark was a
friend of liberty and devoted to the
best: interests of the great mass of
humanity. Some of his opinions may
have been criticised, but never by the
plain folks who work for a living.

I favor Judge Clark because I
know the men, the corporations, and
great interests that have to a great
extent been controlling legislative and
National policies do not desire his elec-
tion to the United States Senate.
There are great monopolies, vast con-
eerns controlling enormous wealth,

wrongfully and unlawfully taken from
laborers, producers, and consumers,
that could afford to spend millions of
money to prevent the _ election of
enough men like Judge Clark to con-
trol the United States Senate. There
seems to be a great uprising among
the voters of the whole country to
bring about a ¢ghange and to take the
control of the affairs of the Govern-
ment out of the hands of the agents of
the Steel Trust, the Harvester Trust
(both’ robbers of the farmers), the va-
rious tobacco trusts, the Lumber Trust,
and scores of other. great interests, and
place this control once more in the
hands of the people. But this fight
is no skirmish; it is a fight to death.
These “interests” for years have been
dictating legislation and the. policies
of the Government} all in their favor,

in return have furnished enor-
mous eampaign funds to be used in de-
bauching voters and bribing election
officers, all for the purpose of enabling
them to rob the great mass of the peo-
ple.

I hope to live to see the Senate un-
der the control of such men as Judge
Clark. It is coming some day, and
North Carolina had as well get in line

and

 
right now by electing a man of that
kind. .Mr. George W. Perkins, of the
Steel Trust and Harvester Trust, now
engaged in furnishing the money for
the purpose of nominating Mr. Roose-
velt, would never slip down to Wash-
ington and ask Senator Walter Clark
for an interview relating to his con-
duct as a Senator and his intentions
as to pending legislation before the
Senate. He and others like him would
sooner enter into~a contract to feed
an unbridled rattlesnake from a short-
handled teaspoon.

Walter Clark in the Senate will be,
as he has been on the bench, irre-
proachable by the people and unap-
proachable by the enemies of the peo-
ple. He has made some enemies and
will make more, but he ought to be
proud of them, for so long as he lives
his integrity and honest devotion to
high principle will be above suspicion
and even beyond the reach of slander.
His real enemies are the great monopo-
lies, which are pulling the strings for
the ones who are doing the most talk-
ing.

Judge Clark has always been the
Same every day—not one thing to-day
and another to-morrow. He will stand
after the election where he stood be-
fore the election, and when elected to
the Senate his physical and mental
vigor, his great ability, and his cour-
ageous devotion to convictions will at
once make him a National leader for.
the people and against the special in-
terests,

No one has done more for the Dem-
ocratic Party in North Carolina than
Walter Clark; and yet in spite of the
immense work of all kinds he has
done for the State and his people, he
has only held an office that pays a
bare living and. has required enor-
mous labor at his hands.* His two
competitors have held the best paying
offices the better part of their lives,
and have each drawn in the neigh-
borhood of a hundred thousand dollars
in salary. They are young enough to
retire for a while and work for a liv-
ing around their respective homes. No
man should remain in a political office
as long as these gentlemen have un-
less he has won or is winning a _ posi-
tion as a leader of National reputa-
tion for the rights and the cause of
the people who elected him. Notwith-
standing the fact that his two com-
petitors have served twelve years each
in Washington in National politics, and

»

Judge Clark has remained at home,
yet Clark has a greater National repu-
tation than either of them. Mention
their names in any intelligent assem-
bly in any of the great cities of the
country and you will find that Clark
is better known than either of the
others. To judge things we have to
fairly investigate and not accept as
the only evidence the contributions of
Washington campaign correspondents,
We all hear just before a National cam-
paign these little contributions—writ-
ten, no doubt, in the near neighbor-
hood of a gentleman who receives the
high-sounding compliments.

We hear much of what the party:
owes this and that candidate, but I
favor Judge Clark for the reason that
he desires the office for what he has
done and will do for the people in this
State. Those of us who remember as
far back as 1894 and the years following
know that the service he gave to the
Democratic Party and the people of
the State was second to none, though
he got no political credit for it, and I
believe that now the Democratic Party
in North Carolina should put Clark in
the Senate, where his tremendous pow-
ers will have full scope to serve the
country. He does not have to study
in order to get on the front line in
that body. He is now well fitted for
that position.

When his two competitors were lit-
tle children, Walter Clark was a sol-
dier, and a better and braver ohe never
lived. This I have from his immedi-
ate comrades after the war. By great
effort and untiring industry, he pre-
vailed upon survivors to write His-
torical Sketches of all the North Caro-
lina Regiments, Battalions, and Bat-
teries, which he edited, and thus pre-
served to us our history of the war,
better than it has been preserved in
any other State—thus preserving that
glorious history in permanent form.
Every Confederate veteran and every
son and grandson of one, and every
daughter and granddaughter, should
fail in no possible service for Walter
Clark, the best friend the common
people of North Carolina have in pub-
lic life to-day.

The lawyers of the State well know
the value of the work he has done for
the profession by way of annotated re-
ports and statutes. He has found time
to write law books, to prepare and de-
liver lectures of great historical value,
has written numerous magazine arti-

 

 

WALTER CLARK

THE MAN WHOM THE TOBACCO TRUST, THE LUMBER TRUST, THE
STEEL TRUST, AND THE STANDARD OIL TRUST DO NOT WISH
TO SEE IN THE U. S. SENATE FROM NORTH CAROLINA.

 
 

eles that have been read and discussed
all over America, and even in Europe.

His energies are without limit, and
in the Senate he will be a power to
reckon with, from the beginning of his
service.’

His Democracy will never be in ques-
tion, and he will stand so firmly on
his party’s platform that it will never
be necessary for him to seek a plank
from the Republican platform to sus-
tain him for giving aid to the Republi-
can Party and its measures.

I say what I have said without any
request from or conference with Judge
Clark, I say these things freely, with-
out reward or hope of reward, except
the hope of good government for my
children and grandchildren in the
years to come. I would not have an
office of any sort if it were tendered
me, and when I say this the people
who know me best know that I mean
it. I am no Teddy- Roosevelt with my
hat in hand ready to be thrown in the
ring. Cc. B. WATSON.

Winston-Sauem, May 4, 1912,

WHY HE NEED NOT RESIGN.

To Editor of Gréensboro News:—I
note that in Sunday’s issue you criti-
cise my speaking of the Southern Rail-
way as “the chief. sinner of them all,”
and you contend that I should not
make speeches without resigning from
the bench.

You will note that I so termed the
Southern Railway in the speech printed
by you in reference to a matter—the
discrimination in freight rates against
the towns and merchants of this State
—which cannot be brought before our
State courts, and whose conduct in
that regard can only be restrained
by National legislation. Indeed, my
speeches are entirely as to matters
which call for National legislation, and
which can in no wise come before our
State courts. It is but proper respect
to the people that any citizen who
offers himself for their suffrages for
the United States Senate should state
frankly the legislation which he will
advocate if chosen to the Senate. My
being a judge does not, in my estima-
tion, place me above the people. I am
still one of them and am simply a pub-
lie servant who is offering to serve the
people in a new capacity, and my views
as to the duties in that position can
in no wise affect the discharge of the
duties of the office I’now hold.

When my friends first proposed that
I should offer myself for the Senate I
said frankly that while this was the
case, yet I would resign “if Governor
Kitchin and Senator Simmons would
do likewise.’ They both have large
patronage which might affect the elec-
tion. I am only one-fifth of the Court,
and all the patronage which all five of
us together can exercise is the appoint-
ment of two old Confederate soldiers,

3

who are respectively our marshal and
our librarian. They will doubtless be
retained as long as they live, and the
possible exercise of my one-fifth share
in selecting their successors cannot pos-
sibly affect my election as Senator. We
had the appointment of a clerk, but
he has already been appointed recently
for the term of eight years.

Chief Justice George of Mississippi
was elected United States Senator
while still holding that position; so
was Chief Justice Turley of Tennes-
see; and a few years ago the chief
justice of New Jersey, and a few
months ago Judge O’Gorman of the
Supreme Court of New York, were
nominated. Senators while still on the
bench; and there are probably fifty
other instances of like kind, among
them at least one Senator from this
State. We have had three Governors
elected and three nominated for Goy-
ernor while still on the bench; and
you will remember that I am a can-
didate for nomination and not for elec-

tion at this time.

Those who oppose my election are
inconsistent. In one breath they say
that I am “too good a judge” to be
spared from the bench, and then when
it becomes probable that I will be
nominated they cohtend that I should
leave the bench now six months ahead
of the time when my election will call

for my resignation, though this would

cost the public six months of services,
which they say could not be spared,
without any compensating advantage
to the public. They have told two
tales about the matter.
Yours truly,
WALTER CLARK.
Ratzres, N, C., August 6, 1912.

 
RESTRICTION AND PUBLICITY OF EXPENDITURES.

JUDGE CLARK’S LETTER TO SENATOR SIMMONS.

RALEIGH, N. C., August 6, 1912,
Hon. F. M. StmMons,
Washington, D. C.

My preaR Sir:—In my last I sug-
gested that we reduce the expenses
of the campaign for the Senatorship
by having ballots printed and distrib-
uted through the party committees,
each ballot to have all three names
thereon and each candidate to pay
one-third of the expense. I also. sug-
gested that we have an understanding
that our pollholders serve without pay.

I regret very much that you coul
not give a decided answer accepting
these suggestions, as Governor Kitchin
did. May I hope that you have had
sufficient leisure by this time to con-
sider these propositions and may be
willing now to signify your accept-
ance. These measures can have no
injurious effect upon the fortunes of
either of the candidates and will cut
out unnecessary expenses.

I note that it has been charged that
you are spending a large quantity of
money, especially for the purpose of buy-
ing newspaper space, and that you have
negatived the allegation. Oné of your
varm supporters, the Charlotte Ob-
server, has stated that they would like
to have a “show-down” as to which can-
didate was spending the most money.

You stated to me personally that
you desired the campaign should not
involve any unnecessary expense. Re-
sponding to the sentiment, which I
know is deeply felt among the honest
Democratic masses, that the result of
the Senatorial primary shall be free
from the taint of a lavish expenditure
of money, I hereby respectfully but
earnestly propose to you and. to Gov-
ernor Kitchin that each of us shall
prepare and publish an itemized state-
ment of all our expenses of every kind,
especially the amount paid newspa-
pers, for any sort of service, up to
10 August, and cause same to be pub
lished in three newspapers, one to
be selected by each of the candidates,
and that we make and publish in the
same manner a similar statement on

10 September, 10 October, 1 Novem-
ber, and 10 November.

When the Roman Hmpire was in the
lowest stage of its decline the highest
office was put up more than once and
sold to the highest bidder in the open
market, As a North Carolinian, proud
of my State and its reputation, and
with a profound belief in the unshaken
integrity of the voters of North Caro-
lina, I should feel deeply humiliated
if the nomination for United States
Senator were sold at public auction at
the east door of the Capitol, the pro-
ceeds to be paid into the public treas-

y; yet even that would be a less

than that this high office should -

be won by the lavish expenditure of
money in hiring “workers” and by
the purchase of newspaper influence.
The open sale would be uneffaceable
humiliation, but it would not be a de-
bauchery of the electorate such as has
attended the election of Senators in
States which have selected their Sena-
tors by » free use of money,

May I hope, therefore, that you will
agree to the publication of the expend-
itures as herein proposed, without re-

‘rye, and that you will limit the ex-
penditures in the matter of printing
and. distributing the tickets and the
selection of pollholders.

I feel sure that you agree with me
that the man who shall go to the
United States Senate from North Car-
olina should be the free and unbought
choice of. the Democratic voters of
North Carolina, and that he shall take
his seat in that high assembly without
the smell of fire upon his garments.

Tonest men, and not money, should

1ine the choice of this State for
1e United States

sending a copy of this letter
to Governor Kitchin, asking his con-
currence in this restriction and. pub-
licity of expenditures,
With high regard,
Most truly yours,
WALTER CLARK.
Nore, 17 August—Governor Kitchin
promptly acceded to the above. Sena-
tor Simmons has not done 80 as yet.

4

 

KEYNOTE SPEECH

OF

CHIEF JUSTICE WALTER CLARK

AT GREENSBORO,

Ladies, Friends, and Fellow-citizens:
It is but proper respect to lay before
the voters of this State clearly and
plainly the measures for which I stand,
and the enactment of which I shall en-
deavor to secure if sent to the Senate,
In the beginning, I wish -to state
unequivocally that I shall
in this canvass that wi ‘eflect upon
the personal character of rv of my
competitors. They have lived clean
lives. They have been, and I hope still
are, my personal friends. It is no re-
flection upon them that I aspire to the
Same office which they desire. Their
characters are not in question and will
not be in issue in this campaign. Their
public acts are public property and we
have a right to scrutinize closely
measures which they have a
and: for which they will
elected to the Senate,

OPPONENTS’ SERVICE.

Senator Simmons was chairman of
the Democratic Executive Committee
back in the nineties, and he retained
that position long after he became Sen-
ator—and indeed, I believe until his
second election to that high position.
He has a large acquaintance, and in-
deed, I may say, organization among
those who seek to “round-up” voters in
the different townships and counties
in behalf of the eandidates,

Governor Kitchin for 12 years repre-
sented the Fifth Congressional District
in Congress, and of course had an or-
ganization to aid him. In his canvass
for Governor he extended this through-
out the State and since he has been
xovernor he has added to this the nat-
ural gratitude of the men whom he has
appointed to office and their friends;
and also (without reflecting upon his
exercise of the pardoning power), he

Tro
jYVL

has in many cases the good-will of
at whose instance he has granted
pardons.

For many years it was understood
that these two gentlemen were aspirants
for the office of Senator, and that thes«
trong, well. organized battalions 3
jians expected to face ea

in this contest. When, a year
Governor Aycock and myself an
nounced ourselves candidates, it caused
intense astonishment to both. sides.
They considered it as rash and in
siderate on our part. They said
we were “butting into the fight
we had no part.” Already the Goy-
ernor’s brother in the House had made
a speech criticising the Senator, and
this was considered the bugle-blast an-
nouncing the opening of hostilities. The
audacity of Governor Aycock and my-
self in announcing our candidacy and
in thinking that the people would take
any hand in the sht struck them al-
most speechless. It was as if again the
stripling son of Jesse had entered into
the lists against the armored Goliath
in the days of old.’ They said that
Governor Aycock had no money and no
organization and that he stood no
chance, They said that I was no poli-
tician, that my life had been spent
upon the bench, and that it was abso-
lutely absurd to suppose ‘that I stood
any chance whatever. The finger of
God touched Charles B. Aycock and he
slept. No more will the sweet silver
tones of that great orator. arouse the
people as he did in his advocacy of
the great cause of universal education.
When he died, personal friends of
mine, belonging to both of the contend-
ing organizations, hastened to Raleigh
and begged me to withdraw. Urging,
in addition to what has already been
said, that if the contest reacbed a sec-

 
ond primary with myself as one of the
contestants, both battalions. of the

red and drilled politicians would
unite to defeat a man who represented
insurrection against their domination

of public affairs.

THE PEOPLE DISSATISFIED.
told them that I had gone
t from no motive of ambition,
North Carolina had
that I had ever aske
hands 1d doubtless m<¢
‘ved. But that there y a deep
st in the public mind at con-
growing concentratiol of
h in the hands 1
in the corresponding robbery
e people which produced that ¢
at I was, not satisfied, and id not
that the people wet satisfied,
small effort.of either
s in combatting the
our plunderers. Th: all
t] -ountry measures were peing
devised take the Government out
of tl hands of the politicians who
controlled, it and to send new men
to the Senate. That other States were
iring their Senators and sending
to represent the new ideas
doption would protect the
people from being, longer deprived of
ir al rights; that I had not pro-
opinions in favor of those
es for the sake of election to the
ut that I had advocated them
vears, and was now a candidate
“I might have the opportunity to
in the adoption of these measures.
1dded that a mere boy
neral Ransom
into the fires 1 i I
that I did n retire then
there a Y bullet struck
know how to retire

THE HAT TO STAY IN RING.

The road to the United States Senate
is open to any man whom the people
shall wish to send there. I do not need
to have my hat chalked by any set of
men. In the language of Mr. Roosevelt,
it is “in the ring,” and will be there
when the sun goes down on 5 Nov.

I will now state some of the meas-
ures which, if chosen to the Senate, I
shall advocate and whose adoption I
believe I can secure.

According to the census, 81 per cent

€

of the people of North Carolina are de-
pendent upon agriculture or connected
with it. What has been done in their
behalf by Senator Simmons during his
12 years occupation of a seat in the
Senate, by Governor Kitchin during
his 12 years in the House and his 4
; as Governor? What acts have
i introduced in Congress to pro-
tect them from the harpies that prey
upon them or to give them better op
portunities to share in the wealth cre

ated by their labors?
WHAT HAVE THEY DONE?

In Germany the Government has
established land banks by which the
Government loans to farmers in those
periods of the year when they need
advancements money at the rate of 3

4 per cent. The statistics show

not one of these banks has suf-

loss. Indeed, the farmers are the
very safest debtors. They are the men
who create that on which we all live.
They are the bulk of our people and
they are deserving of the most especial
service and aid that the Government
ean give to any of its citizens. There
are times when a farmer has lost an
animal or has had sickness in his fam-
i or for other causes needs financial
assistance. In Germany in such cases
he goes to the nearest Government land
bank and, by giving the name of one of
his neighbors as surety or a lien upon
property, he procures the needed as-
sistance at a low rate and repays it
when his crop comes in. What has
either of my competitors attempted
even to do in that direction? It will
be said at once that this is paternalism.
But for the last 50 years this Govern-
ment has been issuing to the Nationa
banks all the notes that they loan out,
and without charging one cent of in-
terest. Can any man in this audience
tell me why the capitalists, who create
nothing, should receive all their money
from the Government without interest,
and the farmers, who are the backbone
of the country, cannot borrow from the
Government at all? "The money that
the National banks loan out does not
cost them a cent. It consists either of
the money which the Government fur-
nishes them without interest or the de-
posits made by their customers.

WHERE SIMMONS FAIBED THE FARMERS.

There is much money held by people
who are fearful as to the safety of

>

 

banks and who hold it hid away in
stock in old cupboards and in other
hiding ices. This means a loss of
the interest on this money to its owners
and a withdrawal. of that amount of
currency from circulation. Most of
these people have faith in the Govern-
ment and are willing to loan their
money to the Government, but their
amounts are too small to purchase Govy-
nment bonds. In all other countries
but this, the needs of this class of the
people have been provided for by the
establishment of Postal Savings Banks.
This measure has. |! tofore been de-
feated by the Banking Trust, who
feared at the establishment of postal
savings banks would divert deposits
from the banks, and they did not per-
mit the statute to pass last year until
there was a provision inserted that the
Government would loan these deposits
to the banks at 21% per cent! Though
these banks have been in operation for
only a few months, the deposits already
amount te 17 millions of dollars, and
will doubtless exceed 100 millions be-
fore very long. Why was not some
step taken to provide that these depos-
its of the humble saviz of the people,
“the small dust in the balances” as it
were, should be loaned out, net to the
banks, but to the farmers and the small
merchants and the workingmen in small
amounts as is done by the Government
land banks in Germany? If I had been
in the Senate this just measure would
have been introduced and fought to a
finish. Would it not have been done by
our senior Senator if the welfare of the
farmers had been in his thoughts as
much as the desire of the bankers?

DISCRIMINATION IN FREIGHT RATES.

Bhen there are the merchants who
deal largely in goods which are brought
into this State. Much of these goods
are brought through North Carolina
from points west or south of us, and
are delivered in Lynchburg and Rich-
mond at a lower cost than they will be
delivered in Greensboro or Salisbury or
Charlotte. The result has been the
building up of those cities of Virginia
at the expense of the merchants in this
State. The especial sinner in this re
spect is the Southern Railroad, which
passes right by your doors. It has been
the recipient of the bounty of this
State in that without spending a single
cent in the construction of the North
Carolina Railroad, and by virtue of a

favorable lease, it is in the receipt of a
yearly net income of $2,000,000, which
is the interest at 5 per cent on $40,000,-
000, which vast sum has been practi-
cally donated to that company by this
State. Its owner is practically Pier-
pont Morgan &.Co. This great wrong
f discrimination ag ist the towns of
this State could be prevented by the

ssage of an act prohibiting the charg-
ingof a greater rate for a short haul
than for a longer one. When and on
what occasion did. either of my com-
petitors in their twelve years’ service

Congress make efficient effort to-

idoption of such an act?

NO AID TO SOLDIERS.

Then there are the veteran soldiers
of this State who bared their breasts to
the storm and shed immortal honor
upon the South during four eventful
years. On public occasions eloquent
tributes are paid to their valor and en-
durance. But what has been done by
either of my competitors during their
twelve years in Congress in behalf of
these deserving men? Our war was

ta rebellion. It was a war between

States. The soldiers from Massa-

dered them, but because their own State
sent them to the front. The men from
North Carolina and Virginia and the
South fought on this side, not because
the Confederate States ordered them to
do so, but because their own State sent
them to the front. The war being over,
the States are equal. For forty-seven
years we have been paying money into
a common treasury. From that eom-
mon treasury pensions should now be
paid without ‘discrimination to the sol-
diers from all the States, and their
widows.
THE PENSION FUNDS.

Since the war there has been paid in
pensions to the Federal soldiers and
he soldiers’ homes ferty-five hundred
millions of dollars, according to the
Government reports. Of this, the war-
stricken and impoverished South, grievy-
ing over the death or crippling of one-
third of its young men, has been made
to contribute fifteen hundred millions of
dollars. Of this North Carolina has
paid one hundred and twelve millions
of dollars, exclusive of the interest
thereon, which would swell the sum
thus taken from North Carolina, . and
little of which has come back, to 250

 
millions. North Carolina has been
paying four million dollars a year to
that end, which the Sherwood bill, re-
cently passed, increased to five millions
of dollars a year—nearly double the en-
tire cost of your State Government.
The expenses of your State Government
are spent among us, but this money,
sent out for Federal pensions, stays
North. The miracle is that we have
prospered at all. If we did not have
the best climate in the world, and the
best population, we should have. de-
spaired long ago under the exactions of
this enormous war contribution.

RECOGNITION OF CONFEDERATES,

The North has paid $3,000 millions
of this sum, but it has not felt it, be-
cause that amount went back North to
be.spent among the same people from
whom it came. But of the $1,500 mil-
lions contributed by the South very
little has ever come back. If a farmer
has two fields and he should take all
from the entire farm and spend it in
improving one field and put nothing on
the other, the latter will become very
poor. That is what has happened to
the South.

For example, take two States of an
equal population. Indiana contributes
annually four millions to the pensions
fund. Every dollar of that goes back
to Indiana in pensions, and there goes
with it for the same purpose six mil-
lions which has been’raised out of the
impoverished South. Hach year, on
pension day, when that ten millions is
disbursed in Indiana it is a great event.
The soldiers pay the farmers and mer-
chants for their supplies, causing im-
migrants and ethers to go to Indiana
to exchange their labor for this money,
and thus the entire North is being built
up while the South is kept ‘poor and
immigrants avoid our borders as a pes-
tilence.

Senator Works-(Republican) of Cali-
fornia, Mr. Thomas of Kentucky, and
other Northern men in Congress, have
advocated the stoppage of this’ drain
upon us by placing the Confederate sol-
diers and their widows upon the pen-
sion rolls and thus returning to these
Southern States the same amount of
money that we contribute. President
McKinley intimated that he was in
favor of admitting the Confederate sol-
dier to the National soldiers’ homes and
it is said would have followed up
with the proposition to pension the sol-

8

diers from the South on the same terms
as the soldiers from other States. I
was in Washington in January, and
after conference with prominent gen-
tlemen there I became convinced of the
entire feasibility of procuring this act
of justice to the South and its soldiers,
[ have heard but two objections to
this measure. One is that the Confed-
erate soldiers are too proud to receive
“Yankee money.” I do not see why
they should . when for nearly fifty
years the Federal soldiers have not been
too proud to receive Southern money.
Besides, we would not be receiving
“Yankee money,” but would be simply
getting back the money we contribute to
pensions so that it may be spent upon
our own soldiers and disbursed by them
to the farmers, merchants, and others
who shall furnish them much needed
supplies in their old age.

PURGE PENSION ROLL.

The other objection is that the pen-
sion rolls reek with fraud. This is
true. Probably one-third of it is fraut,
and with the aid of the Southern mem-
bers, the sunlight of publicity could be
let in by printing the list of pensioners,
with their alleged services. This would
strike from the rolls probably one-
third of the present recipients, and that
amount of money could be paid to the
honest soldiers of the South without
increasing the pension list one cent.
The “Special Interests” of the North
have no desire to purge the pension list
at present, because it gives them an ex-
cuse to keep up the high tariff. While

tansom and Vance were yet in the
senate the sectional feeling was so
iigh that this measure of justice to the
South conld hardly have been passed.
But it has now long since died out.
Fully one-half of the population of the
North are foreigners or their descend-
ants who have come to this country
since the war and have no feeling in
the matter. The Federal soldiers them-
selves have the kindliest. feelings to our
veterans and few, if any, of them would
make any objection. I have been told
that at any time since 1896 a measure
of this kind could have been passed if
the South had been represented in Con-
gress by men who were as determined
as the Boers, who have secured equal
treatment from the British Government
in South Africa, notwithstanding their
defeat. Though North Carolina sent
more soldiers to the field than any

other Southern State, this is the only
one that for the last seventeen years
has had no soldier in the Senate.

Major Stedman is the only soldier
we have in the House. This is probably
the last opportunity that North Caro-
lina will have to send one of her sol-
diers to the United States Senate. «I
shall do all that is in my power in the
Senate to secure this act of justice to
my-old comrades, for I am in sym-
pathy with them and will endeavor to
stop this enormous drain of money out
of this State, which does not come back
to us,

SHOULD ACT FOR THE PEOPLE,

It will thus be seen that during their
long service in Congress neither Goy-

nor Kitchin nor Senator Simmons
made any effective effort in favor of
these measures that would have enabled
the farmers, small merchants and work-
ingmen to procure loans at low rates;
that would have freed our towns and
our merchants from the deadly discrim-
ination of the railroads, or that would
have relieved our State of the terrible
drain of this war contribution and have
provided for our veterans the same
compensation which was being received
by veterans from other States. Their
friends may say that no man urged
them to do these things. Do you need
a Senator who has to be prodded with
a pitchfork to make him do his full
duty to his people? I should rather
say that what you need in the Senate
is a man who takes thought for the
welfare of his people; who keeps in-
formed of the measures taken in other
States and in other countries for the
benefit of the people and the develop-
ment of the country. This is a great
State and a great people. They de-
serve the best that is going. Whatever
any other State or any other country is
doing for its farmers, its merchants, its
soldiers, your Senator should know. and
should see that in his own State their
interests are as well looked after. The
banks, the railroads, the great million-
aires know what legislatién will benefit
them, and they are not backward in
pressing that legislation on Congress
hrough their great lobbies and through
the Senators and members who are
elected by their influence and by the
aid of politicians hired with their
money. What the people in North Car-
olina need is a man in the Senate who
will study the interests of the masses
and will look after that interest, for

9

they maintain no lobbies and cannot
go to Washington to prod him to. do
his duty.

It is true, beyond question, that
neither of my competitors did any dis-
creditable act while in Congress. When
party lines were drawn they usually
voted with their parties, though Goy-
ernor Kitchin says that on certain mat-
ters Senator Simmons vyoted oftener
with the other side than he did with
our own. They both have been like the
man mentioned in the Bible who haa
one talent, They did for us no more
than they were forced to do, and drew
their salaries with entire regularity.

my

there are other Senators in the Ni rth
who pursued the same course, and the
Northern States have been latterly re-
tiring these men and putting in

ones who are progressive

hew
Luke Lea,

Kern, O'Gorman, and other new Sena-

tors are the men who are now obtain-
ing the direction of affairs in th:

The heaviest curse in the
“Curse ye, Meroz,” and why?

they did nothing, is the reason given
It is true that it is urged that Sen
tor Simmons has procured so
pro ations for our eastern vers,
This was not difficult to do. Aldrich’s
committee had no grudge against Mr.
Simmons and was perfectly willing to
throw anything of that kind his way,
especially as that element favors ap
propriations of any and all kinds, that
are asked for, in order to keep up an
excuse for a high tariff. ‘
LEGISLATION TO DESTROY TRUSTS.

The next proposition that I advoca
is adequate and unequivocal leg :
tion that will “destroy the trusts.” This
is the exact language sire adopted
by the Convention at Baltimore. Every
great corporation is not. a trust. A
sreat aggregation of capital becomes a
trust when it seeks to be a monopoly
and tries to destroy competition, as
the Standard Ofl, the American To-
baeeco Company, the Steel Trust, and
the like, have done.

There was no country on the face
of the earth more prosperous than
the tobacco raising section of North
Carolina until the formation of the
tobacco trust. When that trust was
formed this section was blasted and
smitten as if by the wrath of God
The trust was formed for. the express
purpose of. confiscating for its sole
benefit the profits which in a free

 
 

market would have come to the tobacco
raisers throughout the entire tobacco
pelt of North Carolina. It was formed
and has been operated in defiance of
the law. It has accumulated wealth
yeyond the dreams of avarice. What
did i of my competitors do dur-
ing tt twelve years that they were
h in Congress to secure the punish-
it and the destruction of these high-
bbers?
3 true that one of my competitors
i y for nomination as Gov-
ernor threatened to put these robbers
of our people behind prison bars and
1ake them wear siripes. Has this
1done? The only legislation during
administration in this matter has
: the statute against
was previously in force
ient feature, render-
ing ‘it comparatively innocuous, It
is true, he says, that he could do no
more because he did not have the veto
power. He was a lawyer and should
have known this when he made his
threats. Should he go to the Senate he
will find that he has no veto power
there. What the people need as against
these lawless combinations of great
wealth is men who can do things. He
did nothing against the trusts during
his twelve years in the lower House.
What reason is there to believe that he
will do more in the upper House?

TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLY.

I also advocate tariff for revenue
only. That is, that the great taxing
powers of Government ‘in fixing imports
should be exercised so as to produce
the greatest revenue to the Government
with the least burden to the people.
The tariff as now laid is often so high
as to prohibit all importation of an
article, and hence produces no revenue,
while enabling the manufacturers of
those articles to charge the people up
to the amount of the tariff as addi-
tional profit. This is practically the
robbery of the many for the benefit of
the few through the machinery of leg-
islation. It is said that the manufac-
turers of this country by means of the
tariff are enabled annually to extort
from the public six times the sum that
is produced as revenue to the Govern-
ment by the tariff.

As an example, take the single in-
stance of lumber. Men came in, mostly
from the North, who bought up our tim-
ber in eastern North Carolina for a

mere song. A tariff was imposed on
lumber. Little lumber could be im-
ported here from Canada by reason of
the freight; but immediately the
amount of the tariff on lumber was
added. to the price, with the result that
the lumber barons have grown im-
mensely wealthy while everybody who
build houses or need lumber for any
purpose pays the added price, caused by
the tariff, which additional sum goes
not to the Government, but to the tariff
barons. There is one lumber company
now in New Bern which was worth
almost. nothing a few years ago and
which now appraises its holdings by
the million. So mucli out of the pock-
ets of the people, so much into the
pockets of the Lumber Trust,

FOR ELECTION BY THE PEOPLE OF SENA-

I
TORS, JUDGES, AND POSTMASTERS.

For more than twenty years I have
advocated the election of United States
Senators, United States judges and
postmasters by the people. Twenty
years ago the lower House of Congress
passed a bill almost unanimously to
amend the Constitution by the election
of United States Senators by the peo-
ple. Four times or oftener the House
has passed a similar bill. The majority
of the Senate has always consisted of
men who attain their seats by the aid
of the Special Interests. They did not
wish this change in the mode of their
election. They did not dare to vote
squarely against these bills, but killed
them by the chloroform process of ref-
erence to a committee, which did not
report. At last, in this year, public
sentiment became so pronounced that
the bill was reported and it passed the
Senate, but there was a sham fight
over a matter of detail which caused a
difference between the two Houses, the
enemies of the bill hoping thereby to de-
lay or defeat its passage. But in the
face of the coming Presidential elec-
tion the public could not be defied and
the bill was passed at last to amend
the Constitution in this respect and is
now before the legislatures of the
States for ratification.

Speaking frankly to my fellow-citi-
zens, I state a well-known fact, that a
majority of the Federal judges owe
their selection to the aid of the great
corporations, And they are usually se-
lected from the ranks of the lawyers
who serve them. Without imputation
upon their integrity, it is permissible to

10

 

say that a man does not change his
standpoint by ascending the bench.
Lawyers who all their lives have. been
engaged in representing these. g , In-
terests before the courts and t!
persuade the judges of the correctness
of their contentions, when they in turn
become judges, retain i

since been
la

» elected by the peop
in the few Stat
10t been done the judges
e Legislature |
they are in England
reason why the State judges
should be elected by the peopl
United States judges should
Nothing is more undemocratic than that
ny public official in high position
should be selected without consulting
the people over whose lives, liberty and
property he shali bear sway, and that
notwithstanding his incompetence or
bias he shall continte to hold office dur-

ing life. This life tenure is restricted

s

almost solely to the. United States

judg and it h een maintained
the influence of the great Financ
interests who desire that those officials
shall be utterly indifferent to the pop-
will.
also favor the election of postmas-
the people of each loca just
as sheriffs and constables are chosen.
There is no reason why a small coterie
of politicians, in some back room, shall
assemble in conclave and desighate the
postmaster for Greensboro or Charlotte,
who thereupon shall be appointed by a
man from Ohio or New York. This

yrocess would be ludicrous, if it was

an outrage, under our form of gov
ment. If our postmasters were chosen
yy the people of each locality it would
greatly relieve the strain of a Presi-
lential election. And had this been the
aw in the past in nearly all the years
since the war North Carolina would
have had Democratie postmasters and
Democratic Federal judges instead of
hose who have been placed over us
contrary to the will of the majority of
he people of our State.

 

INHERITANCE AND INCOME TAX.

My next proposition is in favor of a
graduated inheritance and income tax,
under which small estates, below a cer-
tain amount to be determined by law,

while larger

in

} °
ine hundred

millions. - Mr, rnegie would leave

1undred millions, and these sun are

rapidly increasing. John Jacob Astor

left one hundred and fifty m ns, and

there are numerous other estates ap

proximating this. These large estates

have beer accumulated by obtaining

legislation which favored such accumu-

at the expense of the people, the

labore who create the

t so little of what they

by preventing any legislation

mld stay su vccumulations

It is therefore but just and right that

this superfluous and dishonest wealth

should pay.a high income tax, or in

ease of. death a high inheritance tax,

increasing in ratio in proportion to
the size of these great estates.

Where income is more than
$1,000,000 per annum or the inherit-
ance is more than $10,000,000, I think
the graduated rate of tax on the ex
cess should be 100 per cent. We know
these sums have either been accumu-
lated in defiance of law or by manipu
lating legislation. In justice to the
people these sums should be returned

2m by taxation of these vast sums

a menace to the public wel

INITIATIVE, REFERENDUM, AND RECALL.

Governor Wilson,.in the three
speeches he made in this State at
Chapel Hill and at Raleigh, advocated
the initiative, the referendum, and the
recall, except for the judges. Mr.
Bryan advocates the same measures
without any exception. At Baltimore
the nomination of Mr. Wilson was the
direct result of pressure from the people
at home. The politicians were against
him. ‘These measures are matters for

11

 
 

State legislation, and therefore were
not in express terms placed in the Bal-
timore platform. :

The initiative and referendum have
been placed in the constitutions of four-
teen States and will be adopted by

*s this fall. I have never favored
the adoption of the recall as to the
ji $s or any specified officers, but
think that the authority should be left
in the Legislature to provide for it as
to such officers as public sentiment may
demand. It is a power which will
rarely be exercised. It will be like a
gun behind the door, wh will compel
decent behavior. If this provision had
been in our Constitution in 1870 the
Le iture might have prescribed the
submission to the people whether they
would recall certain officials and there-
by have saved the State much humilia-
tion. The referendum is simply a pro-
vision which requires that upon a peti-
tion signed by a specified number of
electors any act of the Legislature shal
be submitted to the people at the bal-
lot box for approval or disapproval.
We had a referendum in this State
when the prohibition statute jwas in
1881 thus submitted to the people and
was rejected. Upon another referendum
a similar statute was submitted to the
people in 1908 and was approved. The
only difference is that now an act of

Legislature cannot be submitted to
a referendum unless the Legislature
which enacts the law shall so provide,
while by the new method a specified
number of the voters can require any
statute to be submitted to the people.

initiative is a requirement that
a Legislature has refused to
a desired statute, upon petition

s prescribed number of electors,
such proposed statute shall be sub-
mitted to the people. The object of
the initiative and referendum is that
when the Legislature, under the domi-
nation of powerful interests, has
passed acts contrary to the: public will
or has refused to enact laws which are
desired, the people at the ballot box
can pass upon these measures. The
effect of the initiative and referen-
dum is to restore the government of
the people and to enable them to se-
enre legislation which they desire, or
defeat the legislation to which they
are opposed, and the recall is to un-
seat public officials who having se-
cured office by pledges have after-
wards shown a disregard of their du-

12

ties to the public. These measures are
therefore peculiarly objectionable to
the “Special Interests” and. to their
agents and lobbies, whose occupation
will, be gone. But no one who be-
lieves in the capacity of the people
for self-government can oppose them.

FOR A STATE-WIDE PRIMARY,

I also favor a State-wide primary
for the selection of United States Sen-
ators and State officers and electors
for President and Vice President.
These measures have been adopted
already by a great many States and
will be adopted ultimately by all. The
professional politicians who have been
in the habit of delivering the vote of
certain localities to candidates in con-
sideration of reward in money or office
are very much opposed to this measure.
If the people are competent to elect
their public officials they are compe-
tent to nominate them.

FOR GENERAL PARCELS POST,

I also favor the general parcels post.
Both political parties have indorsed
this measure in their platforms. But
so far the “Special Interests” have been
able to defeat its adoption. We there-
fore still have the absurd situation
that an 11-pound package can be ex-
changed by mail between any point in

iis country and in any foreign coun

y at a moderate rate, while between

70 adjacent towns no package of over
four pounds can be carried by mail,
and that only at a very high rate. The
explanation is the power of the five
great express companies who monopo-
lize the carrying of packages in this
country and their dominating influ-
ence, especially in the Senate. In
that body for many years the express
companies were represented noto-
riously by Mr. Platt, who was elected
as Senator from New York to repre-
sent the express company, of which he
was. president. On recent investiga-
tion of the matter by Congress it was
found that these express monopolies
extort from the people of the United
States annually a\net profit, above all
expenses, of eleven million dollars,
which is 50 per cent of the assessed
value of all their property. Ought
not the people to be relieved of this
enormous taxation laid upon them
without their consent by these mo-
nopolies for the purpose of increasing
the already inordinate wealth of a

 

few men? -Besides, the parcels post
will extend to every rural free deliv-
ery and will thus accommodate sey-
eral millions of people who are not
now served by the express companies,
and the farmers will be enabled to send
their produce of every kind to town at
cheap. rates, in packages not exceeding
11 pounds, and it will enable the mer-
chants in the same way to send out
their goods to the people in the country.
This system has been enforced for years
in every other country in the world,
and its adoption here has only been
defeated by the dominating influence of
the express monopolies,

The express companies have dili
gently sought to secure the aid of the
merchants to oppose the adoption of
the parcel post by Congress 'by a false
argument that the merchants will be
swallowed up by the great department
stores. The experience of the forty-
eight countries which have adopted the
parcels post proves this to be untrue.
In those countries their merchants
have profited by the parcels post fully
as much as the farmers. Even if

there was any force in*the suggestion,
which there is not, that the depart-
ment stores would cut into some of the
trade of the merchants, this is no rea-
son why the farmers and the public
generally should be deprived of the
privilege of shipping and _ receiving
packages up to 11 pounds at cheap
rates.
REGULATION OF COMMON CARRIERS.

My next proposition is the public
regulation of railroads and all other
common carriers, but the operation of
the telegraph and telephone by the
Postoffice Department, as is done in
every other country on earth except
this. With us the powerful influence
of these great monopolies has _ pre-
yented the adoption of this measure,

The regulation of railroads by the
public was long bitterly contested, but
is now settled in favor of the people.
The only practical difficulty is to. reg-
ulate them in the face of the constant
issue of injunctions by the Federal life
tenure judges at the instance of the
railroad companies.

OPERATE TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE

BY GOVERNMENT.

In all other countries than ours the
telegraphs and telephones are operated
at about one-third the rates charged in

this country, with better pay and
shorter hours to the employees. Be
sides, a telegraph office is to be found
at every country postoffice, and tele
phones are extended to all subscribers
who wish them. In this country the
telegraph offices are only to be found
at paying points, the traffic is operated
at the highest price it will bear and
the employees are paid as little as pos
sible and the longest hours possible are
exacted. The result is that hundreds
of millions have been accumulated to
swell great estates in New York. In
proof of this a congressional investiga
tion a few years since showed that at
that time the telegraph monoply held
one hundred and twenty million dol-
lars in stocks and bonds besides their
plant, and yet the stockholders alto-
gether had never paid into the con-
cern more than five hundred and forty-
five thousand dollars, just a little over
one-half a million. The whole value
of its plant and its one hundred and
twenty millions of its stocks and bonds,
besi 8 per cent dividends. paid

years on that watered stock and bonds,
has been accumulated by inefficient
service, high rates to the public and
low rates and long hours to the em-
ployees. Wherever the Government
operates the telegraph and telephones
as a part of the postoffice service there
is no desire to do more than pay ex-
penses. The rates are made as low to
the people as consistent to that end
and the employees are neither over-
worked nor underpaid. We actually
had to pass an act in North Carolina
to forbid telegraph operators being
worked more than sixteen hours a day

EXTEND PUBLIC SCHOOLS AND GOOD ROADS

The next matter which I advocate is

The extension of our Public School
system and of Good Roads.

The highest tax that the Ameri
can people pay, except that which we
pay to the great Trusts and Monopo-
lies which control our Government, is
the tax which we pay to ignorance and
the “mud tax.”. If relieved of the enor-
mous extortion of the Trusts and Mo-
nopolies, North Carolina couid in one
year place our entire Public School
system and Roads on a par with the
most favored comm on the globe,
and could pay our publi “*hool..teach-
ers salaries many times larger than
they are now receiving. The average
pay of a school teacher is as low as

18

 
 

$250 a year in some States and aver-
ages. only 00 in the whole Union!
This is simply iniquity. There is no
other word for it.

ENFORCEMENT OF LABOR LAWS.

The next thing I advocate is:

The enforcement of laws regulating
the hours of labor 1 prohibiting
child labor and requiring safety ap
pliances.

On the one side of these questions
stand the public welfare and the right
to the reasonable enjoyment by the
people of “life, liberty, and the pur-
suit of happiness” guaranteed by the
immortal Declaration of Independence
at Philadelphia in 1776. We should
have a longer lived and a happier race.
As to safety appliances, we would by
their use in one industry (Railroads)
alone save yearly the lives of 10,000
men and the wounding or crippling of
over 100,000 others. Statisti show
that in England, France, rmany,
in the Railroad business alone. the
number of men crippled, wounded, and
killed, in proportion to the number em-
ployed, is less than one-twentieth of
the number so killed, wounded, or crip-
pled in this country. We may again

ask, Why is this the case? and there

is the same answer, that these great
corporations in this country use vast
sums in controlling the elections and
in the control of hewspapers and in the
maintenance of lobbies. Shall we al-
ways be thus subjected, not only to
robbery, but to the loss of life and
limb by the wealth creators of our
country, in order that the privileged
few may grow still more inordinately
rich?
PUBLICITY OF ELECTION EXPENSES.

A further proposition that I main-
tain is to put an end to this control of
our, Government through the election
of public servants by a statute which
shall strictly limit the purposes and
amounts for which candidates or any
others: for them may expend money,
either in the primaries or in elections,
and the fullest publicity, both before
and after, of the items for which all
money has been expended on those oc-
casions.

This will strike at the root of the
evil means by which Rockefeller has
piled up 900 millions of dollars, with
an annual income of 200 millions;
which has enabled Carnegie to accu-

14

mulate 600 millions, with an annual i
come of 120 millions, and which has
enabled Morgan to amass even proba-
bly a larger sum than either. It will
enable us to elect officials who will en-
act laws that will really and actually
dissolye the great trusts and stop the
overworking of men and the employ-
ment of children of tender age, the
slaughter of employees by employers
failing to use safety appliances, and
will also enable us to exact fair and
just taxation out of the great wealth
of the country which now practically
escapes all taxation, which is now
borne almost solely by the honest part
of our population,

TO FULFILL ALL PLEDGES MADE.

My last proposition is the execution
in good faith of all pledges made be-
fore election. My enemies are as cer-
tain of that as my friends, and there-
fore it is that they oppose me so bit-
terly.

AS TO BENCH AND SENATE.

It has been said that I am too good

a judge to be spared from: the bench.
This sounds complimentary and has
misled some of my friends. Those most
insistent upon it are those who desire
me neither on the bench nor in the
Senate. They are, however, more in-
terested in keeping me from going to
the Senate. It will be readily seen that
the great issues before the people will
have to be fought out in the United
States Senate. If my conduct on the
bench has proven thus satisfactory it
is ground to believe that I will render
faithful and effective service to the
cause of the people in that wider arena
of the Senate. If the charge had been
that I had been inefficient on the bench,
then there would be ground to argue
that I should not be sent to the Senate.

Before the war, when the feeling be-
tween the Whig and the Democratic
parties was intense, one of our eastern
counties sent a gentleman to the Legis-
latire who was a strong Democrat, but
with no experience in public life. I
think his name was Becton. At any
rate, his name came on the roll call
immediately after that of Mr, George
. Badger, who was the Whig leader.
When Mr. Becton got back home his
friends* told him that they had been
fearful lest he should make mistakes,
as he had had no previous experience,
but that he had surprised the county

by the admirable party record he had
made, and asked him how he did it.
He replied that he knew nothing about
most of the questions that came up,
but that he knew Mr. Badger

oughly informed and whenever Bad;
had voted “no” he had voted “aye,” and
when Badger had voted “aye” he had
yoted “no.”

NOT WANTED BY THE INTERESTS.

Now, my friends, you who are en-
gaged in farming, merchandising, or
other business may not always be thor-
oughly informed as to the records of
candidates and the ways of the Senate.
But you do know that these great com
binations of capital are thoroughly in-
formed on these points. They have
made their fortunes by means of the
legislation they have procured or de
feated in the Senate. They have
to the Senate Mark Hanna,

Penrose, Quay, Platt, Depew

and others of like :

always maintain a maj

body. The nomination Governor
Wilson and his probable election makes
it much more important to them to seru-
tinize every possible candidate for Sen
ator. In North Carolina they would,
of course, prefer a Republican Senator ;
but as that is impossible, they will
turn their attention to defeat the man
who is most objectionable to them.
And whoever that man is, it is he
whom it is your interest to elect. «

Can any one present doubt that to
the “Interests” I am the most “Unde-
sirable Citizen” as a candidate for the
Senate who ever came down the pike?
A man who proposes to establish Goy-
ernment banks, as in Germany, to fur-
nish farmers, small merchants, and
workingmen money from Postal Say-
ings Banks at 2% per cent at the
times when they need it, instead of, as
now, Government loaning it to banks:
who proposes to operate the telegraph,
the telephone, and the parcels post by
the Government, and thus deprive big
business of so many millions of reve-
nue; who favors the election of Sena-
tors by the people, jeopardizing the
control of that body by the Special In-
terests, and the election of United
States judges by the people for a term
of years, thus depriving them of their
ever ready help in time of need: the
election of postmasters by the people,
and primaries, and the restriction of
the use of money in elections and pri-

maries, whereby their claws will be
clipped, and who advocates making the
great corporations furnish safety ap
pliances and prohibiting the working
of children which now reduces by com-
petition the wages of labor—a
who proposes to do these things
deed one that they will defeat at
hazards
Neither of my competitors attempted
to do any of these. things, nor are they
now stating that. they will advocate
them. It necessarily follows that I am
the man whom the great interests will
most seek to defeat. In 1902 when I
was a candidate for Chief Justige every
influence and every. paper and agent
that the Southern Railway and the
American Tobacco Company could con-
put in motion to secure my
My personal iracter and in
were assailed. I was nominated
Democratic Convention at
Greensboro by an overwhelming ma
jority, and though I am told they raised
a fund of $25,000 to defeat me at the
polls, I was successful by 60 odd thou-
sand majority. I say these things in
no sense of boasting, but in gratitude
to the unterrified Democracy who loved
me for the enemies that I had made.

THE FORCES THAT. SHOW HATRED.

When, may I ask, has the American
Tobacco Company, or the great fail
roads, shown such animosity against
either of my competitors? That their
hatred of me still continues is shown
by this fact, that I now have in my
pocket letters from intelligent, reliable
men who are, employed in one of the
great railroad systems of the State,
that they have been threatened with
discharge if they continue to support
for the Sehate a man who is objection-
able to the owners of the system, and
those who have joined the “Clark
clubs” have especially been notified that
they must withdraw therefrom under
penalty of losing their jobs. It is rea-
sonable to suppose that the men down
here who have served these notices
upon their employees have not done so
without authority from those higher
up. The real owners of our railroad
systems are Pierpont Morgan, Belmont,
and Ryan, whom Mr. Bryan named at
Baltimore. These men have grown fat
upon the profits they have made out
of our people. They believe that they
own their. employees and have a right
to control their votes.

15

 
AS TO HIS COMPETITORS.

As to the contest between my two
competitors, in which Governor Kitchin
has asserted that our senior Senator
has voted a greater number of times on
eertain matters with the other side
than he had with ours, and the
tor’s reply-as to the number of times
he voted on each side, I not
greatly concerned. I have not kept the
mathematical statement as to the num-
ber of times given by each in my head.
We all know the results. We know
that when the senior Senator entered
the Senate Mr. Rockefeller was worth
300 millions, according to report, and
that he is now worth 900 millions;
that Mr. Carnegie and other owners
of the great estates have accumulated
in the same ratio, that this has
been done at the expense of the public,
by taking that which belongs to the
wealth creators and giving it to those
who control legislation in Congress.
We know that neither of my compet-
long terms in Con-

itors during their
suggested any ade-

gress effected or
quate method to curtail the accumu-
great sums.

has im

lation of these
Senator Simmons voted on both sides
of the Lorimer question He must,
therefore, have been one time.
It is fair to presume that his second
sober thought was right, ially as
it was in accordance with the views of
the public. He must, therefore, have
been wrong the first time. He declared
that Lorimer peer and that
acting on his conscience he could not
vote to turn him out. On the same
evidence on the second trial, he faced
aroused public sentiment by turn-
“his out of the Senate. Of
the 46 Senators who voted to keep’ Lor-
imer in, not one so far has been re-
elected, but 21 afe now “out” them-
Ives. Will North Carolina fall be-
these 21 States? When Judge Saun-
tried an action.for slander of a
woman in Harnett, he told the jury
that he could expréss no opinion on
the facts, but that in a case, just like
it, in Moore County the week before
1e jury had given $10,000 1AZes,
they could say whether
tation of a woman worth
Harnett

ric

ht

espec

was his

an

ing peer”

ow

ders

da
he repu-
less in

was

AS TO

PROMISES AND APPROPRIATIONS.

The measures which I have proposed
in this speech have been discussed -and
advocated by many others. Neither of
my ‘competitors has given any assur-
ance to the public as yet that they will
sustain these measures, nor have they
Suggested any that are better. It is
true, Governor Kitchin in his candidacy
for Governor threatened to put the
trust barons behind the bars, and to
put stripes upon them, ‘The public cor-
dially concurred in that proposition;
but he took no effective steps.to that
end after his election. It is said that
our senior Senator has procured some
appropriations for our eastern rivers.
[ am glad that’ he has gotten -back
for our State even a small part of
the great sums which North Carolina
has been sending to the Federal treas-
ury. But this was not difficult for
any one to do. The Republican finance
committee’ had no cause for special
grudge against our senior Senator, and
that element’is always ready to make
any appropriation possible in order to
retain an excuse for a high tariff. His
reélection for a third term would be
the opposite of the policy now gener-
ally shown in the other States, which
are electing new men who are efficient
in pressing the progressive ideas,
which Senators who have long been in
office, like our Senator, have not been
doing.

HIS BATTLE FOR THE PEOPLE.

In conclusion, I will say that the
cause I am battling for is your cause
and not mine. If this contest is to be
settled by a fight between the well-
organized and well-disciplined battal-
ions of politicians who are mustered
under the banners of my competitors,
I am not in it. But if the masses of
my fellow-citizens feel that they have
personal interest in having
earnestly in the

because to their interest, then
ill be your next Senator. The
matter is for you to decide.

Fellow-citizens, I thank you for your
attention.

a deep

these views pressed