a

_ cally what is in each section.
his complete and uneseapable exposure, | begleave |

i}
it

|| nothing offensive to any

 

|

Of this act; and one other third shall be mad Ompleted |. .
we tidy ead hee cai eee ane produce united action.

3ist Cona.....lst Sess.

measure in the same length of time ever has be-

fore in the United States.

The gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. Bowtrn,] in
his published remarks, contrary to my expecta-
tion, after he heard my reply, adheres not only

to his original unfounded objections, but adds new

APPENDIX TO THE CONGR

 

 

 

 

ag much as possible.

 

| L wish to say a few plain things in a plain way.
I wish to say a little for Buncombe—not only the

, western, but the eastern Buncombe which I repre-

| sent; and,

ones. He appears to think hecan make up inex- || to hear this, | advise them to take themselves, on

travagant and utterly baseless assertion, what he |) this rainy
lacks in fact and in argument; and in proportion | this.

as [ have exposed ami swept away his objections,
does his ardor and velhhemence of their real exist-
ence increase.

against the bill, he undertakes to detail numeri-

Now, in order to

to quote entire, the eighteenth section of that bill in
which he says is to be found most of its enormi-
ties and indefeasible features, and especially the
foundation for the allegation, that Mr. Whitney,
from mere neylect, or any other cause, can aban- |
don the project before the completion of the road, |

and yet hoid land and road both as far as he hus
gone.

“Sec. 18. Ant he it further enncted, That if said Whitney |

s-age |

And his assigns siiall net, within two years {rom the p
Of this a ¢, lueate and survey at least two hasdeed miles of ,
said road (emo its eastern tecminus, ant lave commenced |
the work and completed at least ten miles of the road, it,

shall be tawtul for Congress, and such right ia hereby re- |!

Served, to repeal this act; and all rights and pri iteges con-
ferred on said Whitney, his heirs, and assigus, shall be for. |
feited and cense. And if, ater having commenced and
contructed a part of said road, said Whitney and hi- assigns
shall, without good and salficient recsons, neglect to prose-
cute said work, and progress with the construction of sard
road, for the period of twelve months, Congress re-erves Ue
Fight to revoke all the rights and privileges conferred by this
act on said Whitney and his assigns, and to transfer the

accomplishing the object contemplated by this uct, Lut in
such case, said Whitney and his assigns shall possess and

‘hold such part of the lagds set apart for the construction of

this road, or the avails thereof, if sold, as the length of the |
road coustructed inay entitle him or them to, a cording ta
the provisions of this act; and the route for said roxd shail

be located and surveyed from its astern terininns tw the if
Pacific ocean, and the road constructed and completed one. |
third of the whole extent within uine years from the passage |!

within six years thereafter, and the entire road shall be
furnished and in a condition for use within twenty-tive
sre from the pas-age of this act; aad on failure of said
Witney and his assigns to complete any of the sections of
said road, withiy the period hercin specified, without good
and -ulficient reasons for such neglect, to be judged of by
Congress, the same right is reserved to Congress to revoke
the rights and privileges,conferred on them, and to transive |
the saine to some other p rson or persons as aloresaidl, the
said Whitney and his as-igns retaining such part of the

j

;

lands, or the avails thereof, as they may be justly entitied ta | : .
and pipe ali hands on his side toduty. There

from the extent of the road constructed, according to the
nt ta and requirements of this aet; and Con:ress tur- |

reserves the right and power, at any time, to alter or
amend this act, as the public interest may require, so far as

said Whitney aud his assigns.”
Now, any one who can discover in the forego-

ing section the monstrous objections he urges, or |

the particular one to which f allude, that he can
quit the road before completion, and yet hold land

and road both as far as the road is completed
would have no difficulty in finding a like feature in |

the decalogue or Logd’s prayer. [I am utterly as- |

tounded at such
less.)

A word as to an additional track, if the Gov-

+, to strike the first blow.

volved, we ought to wait, and hear what the people

_ at home have to say of them, Now, I feel prepared |

| not merely to express my own opinions, but those
also of my honest constituents. I hope to say
gentleman; certainly, [
; have no such desire, [shall most carefully avoid
If | am assailed, | must
take care of myself in the best way | may; and
now to come right at it.

| | have heard a great deal said here, and read
| much recently, of * encroachment on the South—
| aggressions on the South;”’ and though | know we
have gause in some respects to complain of the con-
duct of a portion of our northern people, | cannot
include the whole North in the just censure due to
_ the conduct of the aggressors. I have attentively

_ looked at the party newspapers of the day, and I

have been brought to the settled belief—yea, con-

| viction—that much of the hue and ery is caused by
, amalignant wish to embarrass the Administration,
and to build up the party whom the people hurled
from power in November, 1843. Many of the

‘| speeches here, relative to the admission of Cali-
same to some other person or persons, for carrying out and |

fornia, are marked by unkind allusion to the Presi-
dent, and sometimes improper and furious, though
feeble, aspersions us to his motives.

| It seemed to me that if gentlemen, from the

South especially, believed our peculiar institutions
were in danger, they would desire to produce har-

the midst of a common dunger—that they would
But instead of
| manifesting such a disposition, the Administration
‘is ruthlessly assailed, and the Whig party fiercely
| denounced. For examples of these party speeches,

| (Me, Brown,] and of the gentleman from Mary-
| land, [Mr. McLane,] who on this matter made a

{ will try and do so, that I
may not write out anything more than [ shall say.

day, toa more comfortable place than |
1 intend most of what I say for my constiwu-
| ents. I have not spoken before, because [ thought

; When matters of such vast magnitude were in-
Near the end of his rhodomontade I

watched ihe debate here and in the Senate. | have |

mony of feeling—to speak calmly, as to brethren in |

 

ESSIONAL GLOBE.
Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanley.

 

|
|

if honorable gentiemen are not desirous | were the friends and “‘allies of the South.”

}

 

|

i

)
|
|

|
|

i

|

|

|

/
!

 

 

|

!

 

 

'
;

i]

[March 6,

—o

 

Ho. or Reps.

 

poses the Atherton caucus, by giving a true account

of their origin. ]
When General Harrison was nominated, he was

| denounced as an Abolitionist, Mr. Clay was an
| Abolitionist, and Mr. Van Buren’s doughfaces

I hope
the race of doughfaces is extinct. They were a

miserable set of beings—mere puppets of Van
Buren—anti-slavery men at home, allies of the

South here. Now and then, one is alive, mourn-

ing for the lost spoils, and editing a paper that tries
to alarm the South by the old song of 1838, ‘The
Whigs are Abolitionists.’”” Once we were told
there are no Democratic Abolitivnists at the
North. Now how changed! Even in the Senate,
a member of that body [Mr. Cremens, of Alabama,
a Democrat, on the 17th January, 1850] said:

T said the people of the South had been heretofore labor-
ing under the delusion that the northern Democr ts were
their friends. [ said it was «a delusion, and I was glad to
have an opportunity of explaining it to them. God deliver
scr! bere vo friends as the northern Demoacruts! I would
rather trust northern Whigs to-day. They conmenced the
game earlier, and bave not to go so far to get in a proper
position. Look at th resolutions of Democratic legislatures,
and the messages of Demo-ratic governors, and the resulu-
tions adopted by Democratic conventions, and then tll me
about nerthern Democrats being the friends of the South.”

Mr. Caruooun, too, thinks all the northern peo-
ple are ‘‘more or less hostile to us.”? Sir, I will
not admit that either of the great parties of the
North, as such, are hostile to the South. Some
members of each are hostile—are fanaticai; Lut
the great body of both parties at the North, | con-
not believe,. . traitors to the Constitution and the
Union. And, sir, it affords me pleasure to say,
that when I hear bold and manly speeches, such as
those made by the gentlemen from Illinois [Mr.
Bisset] and from Indiana, [Mr. Firca,] | honor
their intrepidity—I feel that the Union is safe.
The time has passed, | hope, when I can be unjust
to a patriot because he differs with me in political
opinions. My intercourse with members of the
Democratic party in my own State Legislature,
removed many prejudices; my intercourse with
gentlemen of that party here has proved that many
of them are true to the Union; and upon such

uestions as those now under discussion here, I
shall be proud to be allowed to tender them the

I refer to that of the gentleman from Mississippi, H right hand of fellowship, and to acknowledge them

as worthy laborers in a common cause. But |
speak not here of the doughfaces—the men who,

» party speech, and tried, as he did before the House |! for party purposes, agitate the country, that they

was organized, to blow his boatswain’s whistle,

were other apeeches ofa like character. [want to

, show that this agilation—this attempt to excite |
* it can be done without impairing the rights and privdeges of | alarm—is now, as it was last summer, in the south-

| ern States, for party purposes, I believe I can
show it.
In 1537, when Mr. Van Buren was President, an

_ abolition petition, presented by a gentleman from |

Vermont, | think, produced a great tumult here.

» «A southern meeting waa held in a committee-room

| down stairs, Patton’s resolution, which rejected

abolition petitions, was the fruit of that meeting.

perversions, (unintentional doubt- |! Presenting this petition was one of Mr. Catuoun’s
| * encroachments.” Mr. Van Buren’s friends found
|| it necessary to sustain him, as a “ northern man

ernment wants one made. Now, it wili be entirely || with southern principles,” and then he made this

optional with Congress whether one is made or |
not, or, if made, whether Mr. Whitney shall make |
it. If they employ him to construct one, they
must, of ‘course, remunerate him in some way. |
‘The first track will cost absolutely nothing. It is |

to collect no more tolls than are necessary to oper- |

ate the road and keep it in repair—it is to divide |

no dividends to Mr. Whitney, or any one else. If |
a second is made, the two tracks umited are to col- |
lect sufficient tolls to pay for the construction of one. ||

 

CAUSES OF THE SLAVERY AGITATION.

SPEECH OF MR. E. STANLY,

OF NORTH CAROLIN 4,

Iv rue House or Representatives,

on the state of the Union, on the President’s Mes-
sage transmitting the Constitution of Culifornia—
. Mr. STANLY said:

| This hour rule, Mr. Chairman, compels us to
economize time very closely, and consolidate ideas

)
-

—

abolition excitement the platform for his election
, tothe Presidency. In vain did the Whigs at that
| time warn the southern country he would be a
| traitor—that his past life hud shown he was un-
sound upon the question of stavery. No matter
| what should be the consequence to the South, his
) —_ was to be Na Jn 3833, when Mr.
| Woodbury was in Van Buren’s cabinet, and was
, engaged in that interesting correspondence to his
3ub-treasurers, Mr. Atherton, of New Hampshire,
who was called the prince of humbugs, introduced
his wooden-nutmeg, doughfaced, chivalry

tions, A caucus was held, in which southern Van

Buren Democrats sat side by side with the worst

| anti-slavery men, from which secret caucus all! the

’

| Meaning, were the hybrid offspring of that caucus,
| These resolutions were to quiet agitation,
| nounced them, and refused to vote for them, and
_ I was sustained at home.

nounced, if | mistake not, by other so

tlemen, as betraying ihe South.

[A late article in the Republic, in this eity, ex-

~

resolu-

| southern Whigs were excluded; and these resolu-

March 6, 1850 ‘ I tions, then denounced as Janus-faced and double-
‘ ,

The House being in Commitice of the Whole | I de-

;

|

}

may win the spoils of office. I had rather meet
Abolitionists here than such men—if they can be
called so. .

No; I would say, with a slight alteration of one
of Canning’s verses: .«

«Give me the av wed, erect, and manly foe ;

Open, I can weet, perhaps may turn his blow;

Bat of all the plagues. great Heaven, thy wrath can send,

Save, oh save me, from a doughfuce friend !”’

But, sir, to pursue my argument. In proof of
the charge I make, that there is a desire to pro-
duce agitation for party purposes, I beg attention
to a short extract from the ** Union’’ newspaper
(Democratic) of this city. I call the attention of
my honest Democratic colleagues to this. In the
“ Union”’ of February 14, 1850, I find the following:

“THE SOUTHERN WHIGS HAVE PROVED THEMSELVES TO
BE THE WORST ENEMIES OF THE SOCTH, AND OF SOUTHERN
INSTITUTIONS. BUT THE PRESENT [5 NO TIME FOR CRIMINA-
TION AND RECRIMINATION. L&T THE PATRIOTS OF ALL PAR-

| Ties,” &e., ke.

|

 

| tion; but what an argument!

|
|
|| institutions,

** No time for crimination?” Then why deal
in it? “Patriots of all parties!’’ But as the
northern Whigs are ceaselessly denounced as Abo-
litionists, and the southern Whigs’ “* enemies of the
South,’ who are the “all parties?”’ Those, I
suppose, who vote for the * regular nominees of
the Democratic party !”

My Democratic colleagues, I know, cannot jus-
tify such conduct. I will not descend to crimina-
If the whole North
are hostile to the South, and if the southern Whigs
are ** the worst enemies of the South, and southern
i ”” what are to become of those southern

|| States in which the Whigs have the majority ?

i

They were also de- |
ern gen-

;

 

 

Besides this extract, just quoted, there are others
of like character—one of which was read to us
yesterday by ‘the gentleman from Florida, [Mr.
Caxsetu.] i

in the Union of February 23, 1850, in the lead-
ing editorial article, we are told:

“The alliance of northern Abolition-Federalists, and
vouthern slaveholding Whigs, has attempted to prostrate

 
emmy ee _ ss ee

| 3! sT Cona.....18T SEss.

or See =

i |
: 4 ¢

sme Democratic party of the North, who stood for half a |
: firmly by the compromises of the Caeseetens

enw att

es peotectal southern institutions, and it has sneceeded
in oar ting the northern Democracy TO MODIFY [TS POST-
gow IN RELATION TO THE {NSTLTUTLONS AND INTERESTS OF
Tue serra.”

No “time for crimination!’? and the northern
Demoeracy has “ medified its position.” How?
By alliance with the Abolitionista? There are
ether charges of like character in this and other
pepers which I have no time to read, ;

Sit, is this no proof of the design to agitate for
party effect? It proves that now, as in 1833, itis, |
what my colleague from the Buncombe district |
called it, “4a game.”* In his speech, in 1844, my
colleage, (Mr. Cuincman,] as reported in the |
Appendix to the Congressional Globe, of the 28th
Congress, first session, referred to the “ fact, that
‘although there was near eighty Democretio |
‘members from the free States in the House of |
* Representatives, only'thirteen, ‘ with all possible |
*couxing,’ voted for the rule. How is it with the |
*southern wing of the party? Its members make |
*most vehement speeches in favor of the rule; |
‘declare that the Union will be dissolved if itis

 

 

 

 

‘abolished; and charge as high treason all opposi- |)

‘tion to it. They are especially vehement in their |

‘denunciations of me, and desire to make the im-

* preasion that its loss, if it should be rejected, is

* mainly to be attributed to my speech against it.””
* * * * * *

“* The game which they have been playing off, is
*seen through by everybody here, and it is get- |
~* ting to be understood in the country.”

Just as the game which the Bobadils are play-
ing off now is understood—and I adopt the language
of my colleague in what follows—tI think it was
true of the party to whom it was applied then, in
1844, and especially true now, of those of the
South who wish disorder should reign, and of the
One-idea, fanatical, Wilmot-proviso men of the
Worth. Hear these words: ‘*The game which

‘they have been playing off, is seen through by

‘everybody here, and it is getting to be under- |
“stood in the country: There was a time when
* gentlemen, by giving themselvés airs, and talking
‘largely of southern rights, in connection with this
“subject, were able to give themselves consequence
fat home; but that day has passed. Its mock |
“tragedy has degenerated into downright farce, |
‘and nobody will be humbugged much longer ia
*this way. But the matter is important in one
*respect.. Nothing could more fully sbow the |
‘utter profligacy of the party—its total want of all
“principle—than the course of its northern and |
‘southern wings on this question. They hope, |
* however, by thus spreading their nets, to drag |
‘in votes in both sections of the Unicn, and |
* thereby get into power.”

Yes, sir, there’s the true secret of this agitation—
“ get into power’’—‘‘to the victors belong the
spoils’’"—adhere to Democratic nominations, even

 

 

 

for doorkeeper, or the granile hfaces will let
the Union be dissolved. “ ee

, L concur in what my colleague said of this agita-
‘Uon in 1844, and especially in a note to his speech,
in which he says, that *‘ a certain prominent south-
“ern politician, seeing that his course had rendered
*him unpopular generally, seized upon this ques-
‘ton to create excitement between the North and
‘the South, and. unite the South thereby into a
Pee gp arty, of which he expected to be the

ead,

s whog though Professing opposition to the rule,
Paha in My Opinion, really desirous of its continu-
ance, a8 A means of producing agitation én that
‘quarter. A portion of them entertain the hope,
that the excitement there may attain a sufficient
: height to enable them successfully to invade the
, institutions of the South; but the larger number
‘are simply seeking to produce a strong prejudice

in the popular mind in the free States, against
* Southern institutions and men, on which to base
‘a political party strong enough to control the
* offices of the country.?’

3 Now, sir, [ think a prominent southern politician
is playing the same game, and the one-idea Wil-
MOt-proviso men, are still trying to control the offi-
es of the country. Some want to get to Congress,
‘Orto stay there, or to be placed at the head of
fome important committee, by voting for the ** fa-
Vorite.candidate”’ of the party. ot ATT ey

» Itwas.a ‘game’ when my colleague referred to

 

~ “ oh “
~% ;

New Searms—No. 22. SO se tag

S ~
a > : ; “e% : >. ‘ Fa

. 7 - : as
OF Ris ight ° ~ e > Le eS “¥ iG

—* on”..

 

i

 

|| slaves had escaped from the South untit Cass’s
i defeat. .

i

here are also individuals at the North |!

\ Mr. BAYLY. Will the gentleman allow me

 

it—itisa ‘game’? now. I fearmy colleague does
| not remember this speech !
Mr, CLINGMAN said, yes.
| Mr. STANLY. Well, sir, I will print the ex-
| tract from the speech of 1844, and let it go to Bun-
| combe, with the late speech of my colleague.
Yes, sir, the “game” is still to be played, and :
now the “refusal to surrender fugitive slaves”’ is |
another northern aggression complained of, I ad-
mit, the northern States have acted badly in this |
instance. Both parties have played the game too
‘far of trying to get abolition votes. I cannot see
_ how any man, who has sworn to support the Con-
| stitution, can refuse to pass any law that may be |
deemed necessary. The conduct of the northern |
States, in this respect, is admitted by some of their
own citizens, to be without excuse. No one con- |

 

demns it more decidedly than [ do; and I believe,
from al! L have heard, this abuse will be remedied.
But still, the noise made about this-is part of the
| “oame,” part of the ‘party operations.’” One
| would suppose from speeches made here, that no

 

But tothe recent history of this. In 1838, shortly |
afier the Atherton resolutions were passed, a |
worthy gentleman from Kentucky, then a member |
of this House, introduced a resolution [ hold in

my hand, which [ will print:

«© Mr. Calhoon, of Kentucky, moved that the rules in re-
| lation to the order of business be suspended, to enable him
to move aresolution; which was read at the Clerk’s table,
and isin the words following, viz:

“ Resolved, Vhat the Conunittee on the Judiciary be in-
| structed to report a bill, making it unlawful for any person to
| aid fugitive siaves in escaping from theirowners, and provid-

ing for the punishment in the courts of the United States of |
all persons who may be guilty of such offence.

* And that they be further Instructed to report a bill,

making it unlawful for any person in the non-slaveholding

States of this Union to use any means to induce slaves from

their owners, aud providing for the punishment, in the courts
| of the United States, of ali persons who may be found guilty
| of such offence.

* And on the question, * Shall the rules be suspended for

the purpose aforesaid ?? *
| It passed in the negative—yeas 90, nays 107,”?

| Among the nays were Mr. Atherton, and fifty-
_ four other northern ‘allies of the South.”
Now, sir, is it not singular, that from thet period
, down to the present, as far as my knowledge extends,
no effort has been made, until General Taylor’s election,
| to demand additional legislation upon this subject? |
{f any such effort has been made, I do not know |
it. Were there no fugitive slaves since 1833?
Well, Mr. Van Buren was President three years
after that, and no bill passed for fugitive slaves,

 

 

 

 

t

‘4

In the twenty-fifth Congress, from 1837 to 1839,

Mr. Polk was Speaker. From 1839 to 1841,

twenty-sixth Congress, Mr. Hower, of Virginia,

| was Speaker—Democratic majority here, and no

| bill for fugitive slaves!

| Tyler was President from April, 1841, to March,
1845. During the first year of Tyler’s term, Mr.’

 

| White, of Kentucky, was Speaker; and from 1843
to 1845, Mr. Jones, of Virginia, was Speaker, and
a Democratic majority here, with a Virginia Pres-
ident, and no bill for reclaiming fugitive slaves!
Then, from March, 1845, to March, 1849, Mr.
Polk, a Southern President, and during two years
Mr. Davis, of Indiana,a Democratic Speaker, and
| still no bill for the reciamation of fugitive slaves!
Nothing said by Virginia members even, from
1838 till now! :

Mr. VENABLE. Will my honorable colleacue
tallow me to remind him that before the presiden-
tial canvass, at the first session of the last Con- |
gress, on the abduction of a number of slaves from |
| this District, I raised that question, and delivered
| @ speeclt upon that subject?

 

 

p
Mr.STANLY. My colleague may have raised
the question at that time, but there was no legis-

| lative action in this House on that subject, nor
| any attempt to procure any, that f know of. And
| my coll e raised the question, when there was
| great excitement here, on account of one act of |
| outrage. He did not still try to procure action on |
the part of Congress, to enable the southern people |

 

;

to recover their slaves.

to put him right on’a matter of fact?
Mr. STANLY. If not out of my time.

that from 1833, the time of Atherton’s resolution,
to this time, nothing has been aaid by Virginia |

7 wel

 

Mr. BAYLY understood the gentleman to gay, ||

 

APPENDIX TO THE CONGERTSSINNAT cranr | isan

APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.

_. Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanly.

 

 

 

 

eral Cass.

- 337

Price $3 ror TuIs Session.

 

—_—_—
.

members on the subject of the surrender of fugitive

slaves. ;
Mr. STANLY. Nothing for the action of

Congress.

Mr. BAYLY. Well, the subject was before
the Legislature of Virginia in 1841 and 1842, and
it- was never brought before this House, because
we came to the conclusion that the law of 1793
was asenearly perfect as it could be, and that it
only required that it should: be executed in good

*

|| faith.

Mr. STANLY. Yes, sir, an you chanced

our opinion of that law as soon as General Tay-
or was elected President. And [ would ask, why
legislate further, if that law is sufficient? We
cannot create ** good faith’? by act of Congress.
f admit, Mr. Chairman, that Virginia is stili a
greatand glorious Commonwealth. She has much
to be proud of in the past history of this country.
She needs no eulogy from me, aad, thouzh | must
censure, and shall ridicule the conduct of some of
her public men, I shall speak respectfully of the
State. Many of my dearest friends and nearest
relatives reside within her borders, and they have,
I believe, done no discredit to her, in peace or war,
But, sir, the Old Dominion is too much in the
habit of taking care of the affairs of the General
Government, and the debates in her legislature
are not as important in the eyes of the country as
they are to the chairman of Ways and Means,
(Mr. Barzy.! And 1 should be glad to know
why, if the Representatives from Virginia thought
the law of 1793 sufficient, did the gentleman from
Virginia [Mr. Meane] introduce his resolution.
soon after General Taylor’s election, proposing to
instruct the Committee on the Judiciary to report
a bill providing for the apprehension of fugitive
slaves?

So [ repeat, from 1838 to 1848—until December,
1848, when the gentleman from Virginia (Mr.
Meape] offered his resolution—all the southern
Democracy, now crying out at this dreadful eg-
gression, never moved a finger to procureany law
relative to fugitive slaves! No, sir; they were
“as mute ds a mouse in a cheese’’—yes, sir, a3
a first family Virginia mouse in an English cheese.
‘Fhe reason was, as my colleague (Mr. Venacce}
said, in some poor verses quoted by him in his
speech a ra ty
, ” «The Jaurels were fairly portioned,

The spoils were fairly sold.”

Mr. VENABLE. © The “lands,” I seid. —

Mr. STANLY. [accept the correction; it was
printed * Jaurels,”’ but my colleague is right; the
southern Democracy, whatever of * spoils’’ they
got, won no “ laurels’ during the last ten years
with their northern allies. oy,

No, sir; the truth is, Cass was a ‘used up
man,” Taylor was elected, the ‘* spoils’? were
gone, the cohesive power was lost.

Truly, as Job said, ** Doth the wild ass bray
when he hath grass? or loweth the ox over his
fodder?” as :

I have watched the progress of the debate in the
Senate, and from the published speeches in the
newspapers, I see a respectable Senator from Vir-
ginia (Mr. Mason] said he wanted the bill acted
on **as soon as practicable,’’ but had * little hope
it would afford the remedy it is intended to afford;”
‘tit depends upon the loyalty of the people to
whom it is directed.”

Another Senator (from South Carolina—MIr.
Burren) said ‘* he had no very great confidence
that this biil will subserve the ends which seem to
be contemplated by it.” Why, then, I ask, so
zealously urge the passage of it? One of these
Senators [Mr. Masoy] also intimated that it mizht
become necessary, for the States whose citizens
lost negroes, ** to make reprisals on the citizens of
the State offending!” Now this, it seems to me,

would be but a poor way of doing justice to our
citizens. If one rogue in Ohio or Pennsylvania

stealy a negro, we are to take the wagon-horse of
some honest old farmer, who lived hundreds of
miles from the thief! Will not this produce civil
war? Will it enable us to recover fugitive slaves?

Now, sir, E think | have proved that this new-
born zeal for legislation, to enable us to recover
fugitive slaves, is all owing to the defeat of Ger-

Weil, sir, among other reasons given why we

should think of dissolution, is the fact, that the

Rie) See
Wa Se Sams bent eas AEE Sy

a2!
* *: Se

t
 

3ist Cons......lst Sess.

—_—. —-—

 

 

 

. '
southern States are annoyed by the ‘agitation of |
Abolitionists.”? The Southern Address says, IL |
think, itcommenced about tie year 1845. It com. |
menced, sir, before the year 1737. The Quakers
have for more than a hundred years been opposed |
toslavery. In 1671, George Foxaidvocated eman- |

APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. —

eh PPB ;

Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanly.

 

 

" [March 6,

——
—

Ho. or Reps.

 

——

 

 

 

 

| will be answered—by patriotic New Hampshire, whose
sons, ike hee granite hasi-, have hitherto hreasted the storin;
they, I know, will not give way. So [eall upon our friends
from the Keystove State not to surrender, becanse a single
soldier in the South has deserted us on this trying occasion.””

| —[Sce Appendiz ta Cong. Globe, 28th Congress, let Session]
How much mistaken, I say again, these gentle-

|} to do unto them; but they are no agitators. It is
| a part of their religion to oppose slavery. Every
year they express, in mild terms, their oppo-
sition to it. I received from my district a few
days since, a papec before me, from one of the best
men | ever knew—a Quaker. It is entitled,

;
’
|

cipation. But the aggressive agitation consisted | men were!

these petitions, and much of thts clamor will cease. |

| The result shows he was right. When [ had the |, * Month, 1849.”

in sending abolition petitions; and [ remember
well, before the repeal of the “twenty-first rule,”
‘southern gentlemen said if that rule should be re-
pealed, and these
would be dissolved. My colleague [Mlr. Crixe-
may] had the boldness to vote against the twenty-
first rule. | commend him fer it. But he was
denounced by various southern gentlemen—by
Mr. A. V. Brown, afterwards Governor of -Ten-
/nessee, Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, our Speaker, Mr.

petitions received, the Union |

‘Stiles, of Georgia, and by Mr. R. M. Saunders, |

of North Carolina. Someextracts of theirspeeches
-are before me, and | will print them, to show
them how much mistaken they were. Mr.

Brown, of Tennessee, was arguing against making |

the petitions * the subject of reference, report, and

Mr. Cray always argued, Receive |

honor of being ini Congress in 1839, while the |

twenty-first rule wes in force, I do not think I ex- |;

aggerate when I say, that during the period of three ||
|

or four months, we had what were called abolition

petitions presented here, signed by more than one |
‘hundred thousand men and women.

Like the |
camomile flower, ‘the more itis trodden upon, the |,

. faster it grows,” this right of petition, when denied, |,

and not one single abolition petition has been pre-

, censed.

debate inthis hall.”” ‘* Qursafety,’’ said he, “de- ,

pends upon it.”

_ of the South, if they could not altorether exciule
those petitions, not to refer them for debate, Kc.
- And he added:

“ The South will hold no man guiltless who shall co one

He beeged the “real friends’’ |

inch beyond the right of petition. He must answer for .

évery fire that may be kindled, and for every drop of blood
that may be shed.
from New York and from North Carolina, (Mr. Crisaman,]

Yes, sir; [ will say so the gentlemen |)

if this House shail go one inch beyond that, they may have |

| to stand answerable for the shattered and broken tragments

+ Of the Union itself.”’—[{See Appendix to Cong. Glate, 2h | ar :
i) prising a small- portion of our

. Congress, lst session. }

Mr. Cogs, of Georgia, after complimenting the
Northern Democracy for their devotion to the in-
terests of the South—for their ‘‘ sincere friend-
ship”’—referred to the fact, that some of the north-
ern. Democracy were abandoning the rule, on

account of the opposition of some few southern
_ Members to it; and he said:

* © Vhus it is that the defection of our northern friends is
| attributable to our own divisions. Let the fuct then be
| published to the country, that the responsibility of this
_ Measure may rést upon those who justly deserve it—npon
~ whom an indignant and outraged people may place the seal
of their condemnation. [ trust, however, that 10 such divi-
sion will be found to exiat; no southern Democrat, | am
> sure, will ahandon his post; and but few, if any, southern
| Whigs will be found following in the wake of Wie gentieniin

from North Carolina.” —{.dppendiz ia Cong. Globe, 2n/h Con-

gress, lst session.}
1. T have an extract before me from the speech of
Mr. Stiles, of Georgia, which [ will print. Mr.

Stiles spoke under excitement, and’ very wildly.

Extract from: the speech of Mr. Stes, of |
- Georgia, House of Representatives, January 25 |

-and 30, 1844, on the twenty-fifty rule, relating to
abolition petitions. In replying to the remarie
_ of Mr. Cureman, (Appendix to Congressional
Globe, 28th Congress, Ist session, page 2U2,) he

and this rule was a “ barrier;’’ and he said:
© While that remains,

, the fortress falls, That barrier can be removed ouly |

by some onewithin. The fortress can be taken—the ettalel

lost—only by treachery in the camp. L will pursuc Uns
“simile no further. But let me tell the member from Nerth
Carolina, that if this rule is jost from the retgnon ta whieh
he stands to, and the part whieh he bas borne 1, thys (rans
action, he may go fame to his constituents, and to his grave,
covered with the unenviable iamortality of baving betrayed

_ the interests of the South—in having surrendered the Con- ©

Stitution of his coautry.”’ 3
Wo Meo Ro OM. Saunders, of North Carolina,

thought with others whose remarks [ have just ,

- quoted,

Mr, R. M. Saunders, arguing againgt the ar-

gument that to receive petitions would silence the

**clamor about the right of petition,’’ said :

- “ They mightas soon expect to extinguish the contlagra-
tion by adding fuel to the tune. Lrepeat, then, tere os

i

'\ to slavery, but they contend, among other things,

spoke of the Constitution asa citadel, a fortress; |

the fortress stands; when it is,

I

:
;

}

| whether they think women should vote—should |

meee amma

| New York cannot qniet the disturbances of her

;
/
;
'
’
’
|
it
i
'
/

i?

| And yet we ure told by gentlemen, the Union will | State legislatures sometimes do silly things.

|

but one alternative—rejection withont settion, or reception |)

and action,
who are resolved to press this matter,
quences.—f.dp to Cory. Globe, tA Congress, lst Ses-
. ston, Januury, i244, page 85.) :

‘How much mistaken! Since the repeal of the i they deserve, by supposing that all who are op- | own fifty acres of land.
ij posed to slavery are disposed to interfere with | the ery of “‘ free suffrage.
Mr. Saunders appeared to have been sincerely _ slavery in the Siates. It isa great mistake.

tule, how seldom we see an abolition petition!

distressed. He appealed to the doughfaces in an

extract before me:
“ Mr. Saunders said: Lask the gentlemen from Maine,
» if there be any here, who have hitherto stool vy us,
~ why they should now give way? [ tuen to our friends from
Connecticut, and ask them why they should yield ?
appeal in vuio, I turn to those by whom I know the appeal

ae

There is no middie grown can ratisiy Hise |)
whatever its Conse. ||

ft ||

a

if
'

4
}

 

!
i
i!
'

 

was most earnestly asserted. Flow stands the fact |:
now? We have been here more than three months, i
sented! Hence the Union will not be dissolved f
because of this aggression. ‘This aggression has
No, sir; there is no. danger to this Union |
from any such cause. In this happy land, the
people wil! occasionally be guilty of some extrav-
agantconduct. We havea numerous population
who are not always employed.

What was said by one of England’s great poets
of her people, can with truth be said of ours,

# Whose only grievance is excess of case,
Freedom their pain, and pleaty their disease.”?

!

t
i}

’

Noble mo- |

rule, they will form peace societies.
tives prompt them in this. These agitators, com-

northern people,
not only seek distinction by theifnoisy opposition |
for what they term ‘** the rights of women.”’ L
do not know what are the rights they claim—

 

i

come to Congress, &c.; but if they give to the |

New England women more rights than those our
North Carolina women have, they will not havea |
republican government.

Some of these agitators do not believe any judge |

‘| hes a right to administer an oath—they do not if !
‘acknowledge the authority of any magistrate. || Quakers do, are therefore disposed to interfere

Such people deserve our pity, or contempt; they |
ought pot to be reasoned with; denunciation, like |
the storm upon the traveler, but makes them fold |
the cloak of prejudice closely around them, and |
go on with more energy: forbearance toward their
follies—as it did with their right of petition—like |
the influence of the sun, will Srive them to the
shades of retirement. :

ut complaint is made against the North, be-
ence they will not stop the agitation and aggres-

sion of these fanatics. Elow can they stop them?

|
|
!
Anti-renters. A mob in the city of New York |
last year, because of some misunderstanding be-
tween two actors, nearly destroyed a vaiuable |
building, and caused the death of several persons.
Massachusetts, some years ago, could not in her
peaceful borders prevent the destruction of a con- |
vent; Derrism nearly produced civil war in Rhode
Island; Philadelphia has had a church destroyed, |
arene Abolition hail burnt down by her staid pop- |
widen, :

If these terrible outbreaks cannot be prevented, |

how can the northern people suppress fanaticism ? |

be dissolved unless this uzitation ceases.
Who can reason with fanaticism ?

You may as weil go stand upon the beach,
And bid the main food "bare his usual height;
You may aa well use question with the wolf,
Why he hath made the ewe bleat for the land;
You may as weil forbid the mountain pines
"lo wag their high tops, and to make no noise,
When they are fretted with the gusts of Heaven”—

~ try and suppress fanaticisin by reason and by
aw,

|

;
!

We give more importance to these agitators than |

Quakers, in North Carolina and elsewhere, are
all opposed to slavery. In 1924, [ think, Mr. R.
M. Saunders presented one of their petitions here.

| The Quakers, tn all countries, are among our best i majority over Cass.

x

>

|

i
f

}
|
i

 

i
‘| of our State.

Our i

|| the Democrats neat

ey try and do unto others as they wish others | some of the members from my

** Minutes of the North Carolina Yearly Meeting,
‘held at New Garden, Guilford county, LIth
They send a memorial to the
Senate and House of Representatives, in which

they say: ‘
** Your memorialists further show, that they believe them-

| selves conscientiously eonstrained to bear their testimony

| against the unrighteous system of slavery. Many of them
bave made pecuniary sacrifices to obtain a qniet conscience 5
and they respectfully ask Cougress to take the subject un-
der deliberation, and legislate for its amelioration or extine-
tion, as far as they constitutionally can ; for we believe it to
be anti-Ciriatian in practice, inasmuch as it is at variance
with the divine precept of ‘doing to others as we would
they should do to us.?. We believe it to be anti-republican,
because it does not accord with the declaration of ~merican
independence—with that self-evident truth, that all men are

| created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certaia
| inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and ine

pursuit of happiness. i
« And we suggest, for your consideration, the propriety of
our Government acknowledging tie independence and na-
tionality of the Republic of Liberia, and extending to her
the same comity as other nations.
“Your memorialists and petitioners desire thot you may
be guided and influenced in your legislation by that wisdom

| which is profitable to direct, which is first pure, then peace-
| able, gentle, and easy to be entreated.”?

‘| some of them were slaveholders.
‘When they cannot war against the twenty-first | who emancipated ‘fifty slaves. [t would be a

Now, these men are among our best citizens;
[know one

my he sacrificed to his con-
| science $25,000. Yet these people would be the
| last to encourage violence. These men would not
| @ght; but in the hour of trial, I believe many of
them would do as one did in Rhode Island in the
| Dorr rebellion. He found a soldier at his post,
' exhausted by fatigue and want of food. ‘*Friend,”

| moderate estimate to

| he said, “*[ cannot use arms, but f will take care

| ”

of thy musket until thou hast refreshment.” Ask
these men what has been the effect of the agitation
of Abolitionits, and they will tell you it has
clrecked emancipation. I contend that it is wrong
to suppose that the great body of our northern
people, who believe slavery to be an evil, as our

|
i

' with the southern States, or are ‘* enemies of the

; South.” :
| Bat, to another * aggression on the Sonth.’”? In

| 1843, Massachusetts passed resolutions recom-

|} mending a change in the Constitution of the

| United States. The recommendation was, that
| the third clause of the second section of the first
| article of the Constitution shon!d be so changed as
to abolish the representation of the southern States
for their slaves. This proposition was denounced
‘as tending to disunion. A gentleman from Vir-
| giaia, (Mr. Gilmer,] and one from South Caro-

|
i

£ . * .* .
‘lina, (Mr. Benr,) said of it,“ a proposition pre-
| * cisely similar to that now under consideration
. Sa
| 6 was made by the notorious Hartford Convention.

| I think when that amendment is made, others will
| be made, and disunion will be the inevitable con-

——-. ' pith: ;
ut though the Legislature of Massachusetts
did wrong in this instance, it does not follow that
while our present Constitution stands, she would
interfere with slavery in the southern States. If it
evinces a disposition to interfere, it admits also
the want of power under the Constitution. =
ey
‘resolve one year against the resolves of the year
before. But I wish to call the attention of my col-
, league, (Mr. Cursamay,} who no doubt regards
| these Massachusetts resolutions as ap “ agyres-
- sion,” to some proceedings of the last legislature
Ve had before us, in the winter of
' 1943-"49, a proposition to amend our State consti~
‘tution, In the gubernatorial canvass of I5t>, an
‘issue unwisely was made upon the propriety of
' striking out from our State constitution a provision

which requires that all voters for the Senate shall
The Democrats raised

” The Whig candidate—

‘a most estimable gentleman—was understood to

se free suffrage. As might have been expected
| the E ly elected their candidate in a

| State that gave Taylor more than éight thousand
: But when the proposition

;

ulation. They ate industrious, sober, orderly. |, waa brought forward to amend our constitution,
, Th colleague’s (Mr.

+ ~~
1350) __. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. 330
————a—X—ens vO a—NRaGN0N060(07—=3c30.08080z06e.aQ&w a eae Reman eer ae see See S Deena parnnsenes,...

- 3tsr Cone.....1st Sess. Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanly, - Ho, or Reps, ”
a a GR | NCCES am nn

; - ied, : ‘
Cunouan] district were earnest In advocating | And to this country, for want of a railroad, the | erly, “he asked no act of Congress to car
the * white basis.” They probably remembered \ East are strangers. And now, when our patriotic || slavery anywhere.”? The Senator is oppose d to
what my colleague said in bis speech in December, || sons at home, forgetting all party calls, are, with || the Wilmot proviso, as fam; and [ concur with
1547, of the “ white race being superior to the || united effort, struggling nobly to build this road, |! him entirely in what he says of abolishing slavery
- rd 7 $ . o ; iti ' i4 i ; r ad
black; of course-a country filled with the former || to make us better acquainted, to build up cities in jin this District. [ have an extract from his re-

‘
‘is more vigorous and prosperous than one filled | the East, to give our farmers a market for their || marks, which I will print, not having time to read

 

 

 

 

 

desistcinicienhweee produce, to stop the tide of emigration, to bind |) them.
When the proposition was before the legislature, || the East and West together, in indissoluble bonds | Mr. Kiva, of Alabama, said:
other amendments were offered beside that relating of interest and affection, our eurs are saluted here
with the hoarse brawling of disunion—an we
That | may be understood, let me state, that by || are invited to contemplate the glories of a Southern of good faith towards Maryland and Virsina nuit ne ned

our State constitution, the House of Commons is Confederacy, in which Virginia and South Caro- | been expressly proluibited in the Constitution, as long as
composed of members elected from the counties | lina are to have great cities, to be supported by the those Stites remained siaveholding States,

}
;

That whether the Congress of the Criited States hay
under the Constitution, the right t : .

District of Columbia or not, it woul

oO abolish slavery in the

”
* free suffrage.
= d be as grosa a violation

 

 

*¢ according to their federal population.” The ar- || colony or plantation of North Carolina!—a South- ||“ With regard to what is called the cluve-trade, E have never
ticle seems to have been copied from the Constitu- || ern Confederacy, in which the rulers will lead us

| seen the duy—and Senators are aware of it, J presnme, from

tion of the United States, which Massachusetts || into an unholy crusade, as far as Vera Cruz, to
establishments that erist under the rery eyes of Consress it-
gentleman proposed in the North Carolina Legis- When the American army was rejoicing at the || TF am the very last man who would be willing to encourage

 

J
‘

 

 

the course I have pursued heretofore—when [yas not Hing
: i —the ** third clause of the || conquer territory, to zive the “sons of the Presi-
wished to amend in 1843 4q Y, tog self, and are so offensive to muny gentlemen, who fee: perbups
i ° ~ .
ture: surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktowh—when the || such establishinents.””

to pass a law for the purpose of brecking up those micerchic

° . ”? ” 1
second section of the first article.’? One western || dents”? a market! more sensitive on the subject than Ido. Iam free to scu lick
« Ant be it further enactel, That the constitution be so |; acclamations of our revolutionary patriots, and || Did Gorr’s resolution propose to do anything

~ amended ag to provide that the Senate shall herea'ter be || their thanks to Providence, were poured forth from f else but ‘*break up these miserable establishments?”

- eonsiitution, and “* free white population” be in- |
- serted in the stead—rejected—28 to 66. |

°

apportioned among the several counties of this State, ac- . earts—it is said th tch . ar *
pe to the Federal basis, and the members of the House their grateful h d that a Scotchman, || And yet, ifthis is done, the Nashville Convention

: ding to the white ation of the State.” || whose bullock ‘had been taken to supply the wants || will be instructed to prepare for a dissolution of
a ir paca ack itl masbarn 1 of the soldiers, was heard to shout through the |! the Union! Anda bill was reported from a com-
‘1 Wriies 4 ad mak and among them |, ®?my, “‘Beef! beef! beef!’”? when he was clamor- || mittee, [learn of the last Congress, of which the
a cia fon, sab ming i tts an , - || ing for the price of his property. The genius of || gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Brown] was a
he cohen rs awd a roposed ** that, in al! future || the illustrious Patrick Henry has given this man || member, to abolish the slave-trade in this District.
AB nema tve o a ge a8 districts, the whole ! an unenviable notoriety. In the minds of the peo- Again, I say, sir, that had General Cass been elect-

“number of white population of the State alone, i ple of North Carolina the name of John Hook will |! ed President, we should not have heard all this

‘shall he divided by fifty, and every fiftieth part of || be associated with these advocates of disunion and oneey ahah giant tae. ie aie

. p : _ |} civil war,
*the while population alone shall be entitled to a Sen But the hearts of the great mass of our people of || senses believes Congress will ever be guilty either
of the outrage or the folly of abolishing slavery

 

 

 

* ater. both parti ight. O
¥ parties are right. Our great railroad must ||

iar. sespiaiea te aap: Spee nar eng: Se * jand will be built. In a few years, the enlivening || in this District, excepting, of course, those fanatics
Anether sn thechana blder and truer maak -is || S000 of the steam whistle will be heard in the re- |; who think the Constitution is an * agreement with
phe a ne om sipéenl ah amadeusinc tak | cesses of our forests; beautiful villages will spring || hell.” If any sensible man ever thought of it,
= he. dew: a4 + ae of Commons be ap- | up among us, and the “ little hills shall rejoice on || [ would ask him cui bono? Would it not inevi-
ati can mice! ding to the white population of the || every side;” the ‘valleys shall stand so thick with || tably lead to the abolition the gentleman from Mas-
0 eo aaa ing 36, na = 66 And then, || corn that they shall laugh and sing.” sachusetts (Mr. Mann] spoke of? Would it not

te''—rejected—yeas JO, nay , . Yes, sir, we wiil build this road; and with the | Separate husband and wife, parent and child? An

iti re made in the ‘ , :
just as these political movements a electro-magnetic telegraph, we can communicate || owner of a slave can take him out of the District

eaeahe ove teeta target pros | news in a few hours to places distant hundreds of || when he pleases.. And what would be the cond -

: . || miles, And let insurrection take place, our gal- || tion of those free negroes now married to slaves?
words Federal population” be struck out of the i lant mountain boys—and among the first of them, | I do not believe we will ever have a President who
a la haway a of our oc ay ORS, would approve “a a bill. If Mr. Van Buren

/ ee ht he || Will come down by thousands to our aid. a hey || were President, I would trust even him; and al-
deuid ce Geena ates ihe Whie teas. ~~ i will come ‘‘as the winds come when navies are || thongh he had pledged himself to veto the bill, I

'| stranded.” believe he would do it.

roposed. Shall these men becalled Abolitionists? || "ET must hurry on Inexorable, relentless || Such an act would j
. , . justly be regarded by the
o,8ir—no; they would bethe firstto take uparms, ; southern States as a declaration of hostility “A the

v0 - 4 || time will not stay his march, even to hear me speak
if it were necessary, against them. Butin Massa | part of the North, and they would act accordingly.

y ; ede. || of the future glories of North Carolina.
= ioe stheiee Bap pete nar be at || Leome now to another reason assigned by some | __ [Here Mr. Sranty was rudely interrupted by
noua - gi’

xe : ies.” J |) Why we should think of disunion. It was also re- || Mr. Hitttarp, of Alabama, which Jed to contro-

ped pac i aah ee cunt hati a || ferred to in the Southern Address. It is the *tnoto- | versy between Mr. Hitturarp and Mr. Sran ty,

said ot pe pry mo basia’” edeocates.in western rious Gorr’s resolution.” Now what is it? | which is reported at length in the Daily Globe of

North Carolina? Are they agitators? I think the | U have a enpy before ine. In December, 1848, ) March 7, 1850, to which paper Mr. S. specially
Sethe in dcenen Miah Cabins will alk we ablall Mr. Gort offered this resolution It had to south- ) refers, as other reports have been garbled.

o Pp || ern gentlemen an offensive preamble, ‘‘of the traf- 1 Mr. Chairman, when I was interrupted by the

to stop azitation at home, before he threat- || €°". . the t ] !
bn ta iessine the Union for agitation abroad. fic in human beings,” &c.; but the resolution is as || gentleman from Alabama, { was speaking, | think,

: ; follows: - || of the aggression on the South. ,
Pid aang oan Pec gevoree tole piece i _* Resolved, That the Committee for the District of Colum- Yes, the South has been terribly oppressed !
fanatics. They are true sonaof the old Nosth |, piso instructed to report a bill as soon as practicable pro- || Out of the sixty years since the Constitution was
State. The te in the most beautiful land that || war” re renpiys Pere framed, the South has had the Presidents all of
the sun. of Bais ever shone upon. Yes, sir; |; . Phe resolution was adopted, afterward recon- | the time, except twelve years and one month.
have heard the anecdote from Me ‘Cuar, that a || Sidered, and no action I believe was ever afterward i We have had our share of other high offices. How
preacher in Kentucky, when speaking of the beau- || hd upon it. And here, by the way, I wish I | is itnow? In the midst of this formidable inva-
ties of Fo estan’ bk i desired "16 wake hin | could have some good reason why the southern | sion of our rights, when the Abolitionists are so
audionde héliove ‘it.was 2 clace of lilies--eaid. it || Democracy voted for the previous question, with strong, we have elected a southern President, who
was a Kentucky of a bo Sir, this preacher || th¢ Abolitionists, on this resolution? Why was || was said to be the owner of more than two hun-
d never vinitad the acneen counties of North || #ction desired, except for agitation? But thisis | dred slaves, and that, too, against the nominees
Carolina. 1 have spent days of rapture, in look. | “#¢ Gott resolution—this is rue resolution which | of the Baltimore Convention, when it was said
ing at her emaig ot ters 8 andi. te roused the South, and brought about the Southern | ‘there was no slaveholder on their ticket !””
hearing the roar of her iancaaideant sokaelatins gece || Convention which issued the Southern Address. It | We have a southern Speaker, with whose man-

co
ond only to the great cataract of the North: and || “aren simply to abolish the slave-trade in this } ner of discharging the duties of the Chair I have

while I gazed for hours, lost in admiration, at the lee Sddbar eat Wi crak eae dete note
power of Him, who, by his word, created such a |

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

If | understand correctly the opinions of Mr. ! election presented! So strong was party feeling
country as this, and gratitude for the blessing he | C&*¥» in his recent and former speeches, he has || with some gentlemen from the non-slaveholding
had scattered upon it, L thought that if Adam and ! expressed his willingness that the slave-trade in States, that when the issue was a northern or a
Eve, when driven from Paradise, had been near ‘| this District should be abolished. But because he |; southern Speaker, they refused to vote for a north-
this land, they would have thought themselves in | W439 Candidate for the Presidency, he has’ been || ern Speaker: This speaks volumes; party feel-
the next best place to that they had left. I could | called an Abolitionist, But L have strong south- ), ings must always influence us—muyst always be
but think—I hope reverently—of what was told || ern authorit to support Gorr’s resolution. A i felt by the North and West—and southern votes
the children of Israel, by their leader, they should |. distinguished Senator from Alabama—one very i will always be wanted.

‘ds | worthy of the place he adorns, a gentleman of || A majority of the Cabinet are from slaveholding
have, when he said: i : I States. "In the Supreme Court we have five to

ability, of dignified senatorial deportment, respected
SF hy God bringeth thee into a good land, a |) ’ 3 e po +» respected |:
land i teomne at erties, of fountaina and depts, tat |) by all who know him, and, Lam proud to say, a | four. In the army and navy, we have our full
apring out of valleys and hills; native of my own State, [Mr. Kine]—in a recent || share. Of the ‘foreign ministers, we have more

“A Innd of wheat, pod Raton oom peer en | debate ia the Senate, used very strong language A than our share. But still ** Gott’s resolution,’’ or
wenonranates; 2 land Sv, Gee, Bad Honeys || upon this subject. This gentleman had so good.a || some other aggression, troubles us. Let me

)
| When another instance of northern liberality.
When General Harrison died, Mr. Tyler became

 

© thow shalt eat bread, without *searceness; thou |
shait nut lack anything in it; a land whose sioues are icoa, || Character, that even John Tyler conferred office on

|
aad out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass.” him without injuring him. He said, very prop-

ad
-

m - . : ™ : 4 ‘
° “ . - - : . . : .
4 “i - * ‘ 4 . ; * - .
he dr9
‘

=

340

'

APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.

3lst Conc.....lst Sess.

Ho. or Reps

Session. Me. Guashes sd deere Reseup. cael Gobncatiantdtacian @ tee tr’ dered is

resident. Mr. Southard, of New Jersey, wa
ehosen President of the Senate; he died, and did
the North practise aggression on us? Did they
elect a northern President of the Senate? No;
they elected a distinguished Senstor [Mr. Man~
ccm] from my own Siate.
ark, Mr. Chairman, my argument is, not to
defend the Abolitionists, or agitators, but to prove
that the North—the great body of the people—are
not enemies to the South. And, to pursue this
argument, how did the votes stand in the last
Presidential election?

.. I have not time to make a very accurate state- |

ment, but this statement is nearly correct:
In what are called the free States,

 

 

Taylor received...... ili dn Seen ocne ccc s Meee WURER,

Cass +. pisenbetodweedieusemmepans Cee tf

Bd ekg Geena e pe'he resenting cere), =

: ; —2,030,179
- In the slaveholding States,
_. Taylor and Fillmore received.........++.-495.973

Cass and Butier al Be OO OS eoeee- 409,408

Van Buren se te duicbhvaccee >)? Oe

nh 815,113

 

Whole number of vores, (excluding South
Carolina, whose electors are chosen by
her legislature)... 4... 0.000000 pete e eps oy 2,875,292

Majority of Union men over Free-Soilers and
Abolitionists, only two millions five hundred and
eighty-three thousand three hundred and fifteen—

* more than two millions five hundred thousand!

. Taylor’s majprity, although he was reported to
be the owner of two hundred slaves, was more
than one hundred thousand. And this majority
in the non-slaveholding States, where he was op-
posed by General Cass, who is reported to have
gaid he thanked God he never owned a slayve—
said he never would, and prayed for the abolition

- Of slavery !.

Is this hostility tothe South? No, sir; the true
secret is, the spoily are gone; some editors are
_ turned out of office—others are disappointed; or,

‘to uge the words of my colleague, {Mr. Cuina-
+ Man, in an extract before me, as reported in the

"Appendix to the Congressionxl Globe, 23th Con-

‘gress, first session, page 285, he said of the

Smee niss party, what I would say of the dough-

es:

e

> * & It will he found on examination, this porty is governed

\ by seven principles—as John Randolph is reported ta have
_ said of Thomas Ritchie—the five foaves and the two fishes.

Or, in the langange of John C. CaLnoun, late a distinguished |

leader of this party, remarkable for his powers of grneruh-
“zation and condensation, and who was thereby ens bled to
“ analyze,simplify, and reduce toa single element these vari-
ons principles, it is the ‘spoils of party,’ held together by the
cohesive power of public plunder.” ,
_ And here, sir, let me say another word to my
colleague, while I think of it. i
_. T hope he wil! pause in his hasty course, until he
hears from the people in the eastern part of the
State.
to be injured by insurrection and by foreign foes
_ .than my colleague’s constituents.
- According to the census of 1840, as nearly as I
can ascertain, in the district of my colleague, [Mr.
Ovtiaw,] fromy the northeastern counties, the

> Depuletios: se White. Slare.

FD 458 5. ce Scns vee 0'0 0s 683,053

*Wilmineton Gistrict..... 40404. A9AB cee cece eens oe KITS
_ ~ Washiogton B's price cag cses Sees caitnassPtgue

”> Now, what isthecondition among my colleague’s

white basis’’ constituents? :
~, Buncombe district, (CLincwan’s)—white popu-

“ Jation, 60,039; slave ditto, 9,229.

These eastern districts are on the sea-coast. My
~ colleague’s is the most inaccessible point to a for-
“eign foe, in the United States, I do not believe,
Bir, the good people he represents are willing to

engage in foreign or civil war, for any aggression
“yet committed, and not even to recover fuzitive

slaves; and I do not believe my colleague’s’con- ||
stituents ever lost a slave by northern Abolitionists,
Bad men sometimes steal our slaves; if that ag- |)

epee can be stopped by my colleague, he wjil
O us great service,
Lhope to be allowed to speak to my colleague
* for my constituents—to speak as an eustern man,
‘-and as a slaveholder. If, in the providence of God,
any calamity befalls us on account of our slaves, |
shall be among my people. [ shail not inquire, as
“the servant of my friend fram Kentucky (Mr,

“Marsaait] did, when he told his servant John he!

- wished him to go to Mexico. “ Master,’’ said

, was || John, after reflection, ** how far is the cam

In case of civil war, they are more likely |

His master could not answer |
satisfactorily, and John declined to go. My affec. |
tions, my interest, my duty, all bird me with |
hooks of steel tomy home. The graves of my
forefathers, for several generations, are there; the /
dearest friends I have on earth are there; there I |
expect to live, and there I hope to die; and what- |
‘ever calamity may come, their fate will be my |
| fate, * their will be my God.”
{ wish now, sir, to say a word to the gentleman |
from Virginia, [Mr. Meape,] who did me the |
honor to send me acopy of his speech early in the |
session. . :
[ protest, as a southern man, against the doc- |

the battle-cround 2”

|

;

 

| trines of this speech, delivered before the gentie-
‘| man’s constituents in August, 1819; and I think,
if copies of it were circulated in New Mexico, |
and the people understood the gentleman was an |
|| influential man at home, and in Congress, it would |
|| be enough of itself to exclude slavery from that |
| territory.

Mr. ASHE. The gentleman to whom you |

|
|
1
’

| refer ia not in the House—he is nos in the city—he

|) is sick.

| Mr. STANLY. I am sorry to hear of the
| gentieman’s illness, though [ shall make no re-
‘marks of an offensive character. If I had heard
| he had been taken sick shortly after the delivery
|| of this speech, [ should not have been at a loss to
| account for his illness. Iam obliged to my col-
| lesgue for the motive which prompts the interrup-

tion.

| The gentleman [Mr. Meant] saya: ** We are no
| * propagandists of slavery; had we no slaves,
| *there is not a man present who would vote to
| * bring them among us.”’~ Lam giad to hear the
i declaration. The gentleman probably concurs in |
opinion with my colleague, [Mr. Crixcman,]
|| when he said, a country filled with the white race |
| ig more vigorous and prosperous than one filled |
| with a mixed race.” *My colleague shakes his |
| head; he will find, on examination, I am right in |
| stating what he said—a sentiment that will answer |
:| better for the hills of Buncombe, than for eastern
f lowlunds, for negroes thrive in some
i}

parts of our
country where white people can hardly live. The |
bilious fever is sometimes, in the lowlands, very |
fatal to the white race. [I have heard a highly- |

,, intelligent gentleman, and a large slaveholder, say.

st
ij

|| he had never known a negro to die from the bilinua |
fever, But I should be giad to be informed why
}) the gentleman from Virzinia would not bring them |
|, among us, if they “elevate our character’’—a_
| sentiment that meets my hearty condemnation; |
for if it be true, the “owner of sixty slaves” is
| more elevated in his character than the owner of
five—then he who holds no nezroes cannot be |
, elevated in his character! [ know a certain dia-
| trictin the United States, in which it was urged |
; that a Democratic candidate, “the owner of sixty
| slaves,’’ was more worthy pf public confidence
| than a Whig, who did not own half a dozen;
| it was not argued that the large slave owner was |
more “elevated in character” tor that reason. |
Again: the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. |
Meape} says:
“The situation of Virzinia is more eriticnl than any of
|, her sisters. She has asiave pepulation of near half a inil-
i lion, whone value is chiefly dependent on southern demand.”
|; _ Now, air, if | understand this, it means that Vir-
_ Sinia slave owners raise negroes to sell. If so,
, suy itis horrible to think of. I have Spent most |
of my life among slaveholders—relizious men of |

)

all denominations are slaveholders—but I do not |
| know one man in my district, or my State, who |
| raisea negroes for * southern demand’’—to sell, |
' should be ashamed to own such a constituent.
| Aguin, says the gentleman from Virginia:
| ‘Phe whole civilized world is now uniting ina crusade |
| agninst American slavery, even Where it now exists.”

but

'
|

|
|

| but if it be trpe, how, | ask, shall we improve our |
| condition by dissolving

parties of the country admit their obligation to |

! stand by the Constitution. What will be the cru-
| sade when that Constitution is destroyed ?

i Again, says the gentleman from Virginia:
| “While it must be admitted that strong objections may be |
|! urged to the iustitation of slavery, yet there are advantages

| also, which, in the opinion of many, are full compensation

| for the evils attending it. Our pust history testifies to the
|| fuct, that it elewates the character of the white man, Though |

- -

p from i we have been ina numeri

it

|

I do not admit the correctness of this assertion; ||

the Union? Both the great |

managed to contro] the destinies of this nation”?

| The gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Fitca} has
| already commented on this remark, and I have but
| one word to add. Are we not, now, by our share
| in the great offices of the Republic, still controlling
| the destinies of this nation? "
) But the gentleman says:
j

“The diffusion of our population is essential to our very
existence.”

; __It may be so in Virginia, but it is not so in
| North Carolina;.if we are let alone, we can manage
| ours. Is this diffusion to go on indefinitely? If
New Mexico is admitted into the Union, and abol-
_ishes slavery, where will the diffusion then be? I
see no danger to our existenee in the admission of
New Mexico as 4 free State. f had rather have
her there, than to have a free Mexican State not
under the influence of our Constitution and laws.
But in the gentleman’s speech he takes another
view of the subject. He says:

“If, in the mean time, the Mexican States on the Ria
Grande should be annexed, (as they will be, if they are to
come in as free States,) we shall he entirely cut off from
| the hope we now have of letting off this population, then

 

 

probably valuelese ag property, among a people already, to
a certain exient, homogeneous, and with whom they may
readily and natually amalgamate,”

Now, sir, this is worse, if possible, than the
idea of “southern demand.’ Here is a bright
picture for the citizens of New Mexico! Aimalga-
mate! Wh... will the inheritors of the old Cas-
tilian blood and spirit say to that?

The gentleman’s speech has been extensively
circulated; newspapers have copied large portions
of it; each member of Congress, I learn, has heen
politely furnished with a copy. If it reaches
New Mexico, and her people understand the gen-
tleman expresses the opinions of the South, he
will be enutled to the credit or the blame of keep~
ing slaves from New Mexico.

‘I wish now, sir, to say a word to some of the
agitators on this floor, who have been guilty of
| unkind and cruelly-uncharitable speeches. A gen-
py from Massachusetts, [Mr. Mann,] who

RT mpeg a

 

 

has the reputation of being.a man of letters and
| Of cultivated taste, gave utterance to expressions

which he must have known were offensive to

every southern man in this House. He drewa
| horrid picture of the probable consequences of
| disunion. Some expressions are, I think, mod-
' ified in his printed spech; and my blood ran cold,
to hear a gentleman of his age and standing ap-
| parently delight in wounding our feelings. [ will

not repeat the expressions to which I refer. [
|.could not speak of them in respectful terms. Sir,
I have no personal acquaintance with the gentle-
man from Maasachusetts; but if he be the man I
have heard of, as possessing a cultivated mind,
adorned with rare classical attainments—if his
i) is a fair exhibition of his feelings, I fear he
| will furnish another melancholy example of the

 

|| truth of the assertion, that a cultivated intellect is

not, always attended with a cultivated heart—that
aman’s mind may be “rich with the spoils of
time,” and his heart of flinty coldness, The gen-
teman is not unknown to the country as an able
and eloquent lecturer to literary institutions; his
services in the cause of education have been valu-
able; he has proved in that offensive speech, that
with him “knowledge is a Swiss mercenary,
‘ready to combat either in the works of sin, or
| ‘under the banner of righteousness”— ready to
| give wholesome advice to young men when enter-
ing upon life, or to fan the flames of fanaticism.
The gentleman seemed to speak without regret
at the thought that ** domestic fury and fierce civil
strife” should reign among us. What reason—
what motive—can prompt the gentleman from Mas-
sachusetts thus to speak to us? It cannot give
| him strength at home. . No oneaccuses any north-
| ern man of wishing to establish or extend slavery;

 

 

i and if the gentleman will withdraw himself from
his philosophical reveries for a few moments, and
ask himself, with the remembrance that there is
| an eye that sees the thoughts of the heart, ** What
| ‘good have I done, what good did [| hope to do,
‘by outraging the feelings of any of the members
‘of this House” I think the * still sma!! voice”
will tell him, None, none!
will prove jit is true,
~ * © Heart-merit wanting, monnt we ne’er so high,
@ur height is but the giblet of eur name.”

 

| cal minority in the Union for fitty
years, yet during the greater part of that period we have

I fear the gentleman

| pints) > aaah ae

Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanly.
1350.]

31st Cone.....1 st Sess.

—————

APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.

Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanly.

B41

Ho. or Reps:

—_——_____—_________ nn TE at
}

If I mizht presume to advise one'so competent to ||
give advice as the gentleman from Massachusetts |)
jv, t would tell him, Better 1 1
have them published and puffed by your friends. ||
In this way, good may be achieved by your efforts. ||
Your eloquence may be praised—extracts may be |!
published from yourlectures—exciiM@ig the admira- |;
tion of sophomores and of men. . But I beg the |.
gentleman to remember, that though he speak i
with the “tongues of men and of angels, and have |
not charity,’’ he will become as “ sounding brass,
ora tinkling cymbal.” And another gentleman, |!
from. Pennsylvania, (Mr. Srevens,] in a speech ||
which was apparently deliberately prepared, gave |,
utterance to sentiments, clothed in language that |
a southern gentleman would not use to a respecta- |
ble negro. I expected some ultraism from this i
source. That gentleman is known asa man of |
excessive humanity. And since -anti-masonry ||
wilt no longer answer for a hobby-horse—since 1
Morgan’s mysterious disappearance has ceased to
agitate the public mind in the North—the gentlt- ||
man must preach against the horrors and the des- 1
potism of slavery. I hope his next speech wilk')
be Gt to be read in the families of Pennsylvania ||
formers. I hapegthe gentleman will find some ||
other Morgan to frighten the grandmothers and ||
children of Pennsylvania with. But [ ask him to

letusalone. ,

Mr. Chairman, if these gentlemen’s minds were

 

not as inaccessible to reason as their hearts seem |
devoid of kindness toward a portion of their
countrymen, I would gladly ask them to listen to |,
some few facts. When I was a young man, and |:
first observed public events in North Carolina, |)

 

free negroes voted as white citizens. Free negroes ||
voted in North Carolina until an amendment was |
-made in our State constitution, in 1835.
_ the town of Newbern, where I lived, according to
_my recollection, out of three hundred voters, sixty |,
of them were free blacks. And when the propo- |
sition was made in our convention, in 1835, to de- ||
prive free negroes of the privilege of voting, it was i
opposed by some of our ablest and best men. I |)
-think the vote stood sixty-five for abolishing the 1
right, and sixty against it; and among these sixty
are recorded the names of Judges Gaston and I
Daniel, then two of the judges of our Supreme ||
Court; Mr. Rayner, favorably known here; and I I
think also Mr. Montgomery and Mr. Charles !!
Fisher, afterward members of Congress from my \
State; and other gentlemen whose names I cannot H
now remember. Well, sir, what is the effect of |!
the agitation of Abolitionists? Have you im- 1
awed the condition of the free negroes? Far ||
from it. And if the same proposition were sub- I
mitted to a State convention in North Carolina, at |)
this day, not one man would vote for it. Within !
my own memory, emancipation of a slave was a il
matter of frequent occurrence. A simple petition ||
to the court, on halfa sheet of paper, at the re- |,
uest of the master, alleging his slave had ren- |,
ered meritorious services, and the slave was made ||
free. But these fanatics circulated papers con- |
taining doctrines like those avowed in the speeches ||
I have referred to, and the inevitable consequence ':
was, that legislation interfered, for insurrection ''
was talked of in the infamous papers of the Abo- |!
litionists, and a feeling that it was necessary to |
protect our firesides and our homes, compelled us |
to be careful. And how is it now? Emancipa- ||
tion is a difficult matter. In extraordinary cases,
our legislature sometimes emancipates. Our laws
allow slaves te be emancipated by will, but not to
remain in the State. As the public mind beeame
excited, our people thought it wrong to allow ||
emancipation when free negroes could visit our |:
northern States, and return with mischievous in-

tentions; and legislation threw difficulties in the |
way of emancipation. i

This has been the effect.of men holding the opin- ||
ions of the gentlemén from Massachusetts and
Pennsylvania, (Messrs. Many and Srevens,} and |

"publishing them, as they have, Emancipation ||
was going on daily; but not so now, Northern
ntlemen who can understand how the whole of |!
their section can be excited by passing a resolu- |!

tion, declaring you shall not petition for anything

and everything, can also understand how denun- |!
ciation, threats, and impudent interference with ||
our rights, can excite our people to a feeling of |
resistance. That feeling has caused them to op. ||

 

'
|
‘
a
1}
|
i

‘
HI
tt

;

‘
;
’
{

-

keep at your lectures— || ers, some of whom could read and write well; but

And in i

pose emancipation. Sir, remember well when |
we had negro meeting-houses, and negro preach- )
your philanthropists—those men who would rather
loo’ on rivers of blood than that slavery should
be extended one inch, and have such horror of

chains, shackles, and despotism—sent incendi-
ary documents among our slaves, exciting them
to insurrection. As an inevitable result, educa-
tion was forbidden. Self-prutection required it—
protection for the slaves required it. And this is
another fruit of your sympathy for the slave!
But we do not deny them religious instruction.
In one town in my district the negroes have a
clergyman of their own, and their own church—a
Methodist church. I wish northern gentlemen
could see them, neatly dressed, with cheerful
faces, as they are going to worship. I wish they

could hear their heart-rejoicing songs, when they

sing praises to their Maker. They would think

better of slaveholders and less of Abolitionists. |

cattle raised for market.

Meetirg-houses are scattered all over our coun-
try, and our negroes attend worship as their mas-
ters do. Many of them are members of those
highty respectable denominations, Baptists and
Methodists; and when their masters live in very
retired situations, clergymen are employed, in
some instances, who preach to the slaves, and in- |
struct them in their religious duties, in chapels on |
the farms. {I know, I am proud to say, one such
in my district. I know of another instance,
where a large slaveholder, living out of the reach

 

| of a church, has a minister of one denomination

employed by the year to preach to his negroes— |
and that minister not of the same church of which
the master isa member. These masters are good
men, and are looking forward to the account they
are hereafier to give for their treatment of those
who are placed under their care. Yes, sir; and |
one such man does more acts of benevolence in
one year than a thousand of your fanatics who
lecture on the evils of slavery. These slave-
owners regard their negroes as human beings, in
whose nostrils God has breathed the breath of
life—in whose bosoms He has implanted a living |
soul—and they treat them accordingly. Many of
our slaveholders are from Yankee land. Many
own slaves, who purchased them to prevent their.
separation from their families.

I tell these Abolitionists, you are the men who
have “ riveted the chains.’’ But for your efforts,
thousands of slaves would have been educated
and emancipated—would have been returned to
Africa, and Liberia, under the influence of the
Christian religion—would have realized what the

salmist said: ‘* Echopia shall soon stretch out her
nds unto God.”’

Slavery is an evil—we know it. It is an evil to
the white man. No laboring population in any
country, except our own northern people, are so
well taken care of, so well supplied with all the
necessaries of life, as our slaves are. Whatever of
evil there is in slavery has been increased by the
agitation of Abolitionists—those miserable wretches
who denounce us constantly—those sincere dis- |
unionists, who say the American Union is a * cov-
enant with death,’ and an “ agreement with hell,”
and ought to be ** immediately’’ dissolved. These
men are sometimes courted by both parties of the
North, in doubtful contests, and therefore made to
appear stronger than they really are. These are
“ who have increased the evils of slavery.

ut let them alone; in a few years more they
will be universally despised, and they ‘‘ will be
‘ buried with the burial of an ass, drawn and cast
‘ forth beyond the gates of Jerusulem.”’

Our people are denounced as a blood-thirsty
generation. Hear one or two facts, Our laws |
punish with death any one who is guilty of steal-
ing a slave, or of concealing him with the intent to
enable him to escape. T'wo cases have been tried
within three years, in my district. One was an
Irishman, a tailor, little over twenty-one years of
age, who was, upon testimony too clear to be dis-
puted, proved guilty. He had not been many
years in the United States, and those slave owners
who were on the jury, unanimously recommended |
him to the executive clemency, which was ap-
proved by a slaveholding judge, and he was par-
doned by a slaveholding governor. The petition |

 

Our people regard slaves as property, but not as
|

to the governor was signed by the good man who
owned the slave. He had slave owners for his
counsel, of his own selection, who received no
pay; and [am happy to know this man afterward
distinguished himself in Mexico with that gallant-
ry for which the Irish are remarkable. The other
case occurred within a year past. An Irish
sailor-boy came to the sea-port town in which [ res
side. A runaway slave was found on board after
the vessel had started on her voyage. He was ar-
rested and brought to trial. He was a stranger,
pennyless, and without an acquaintance or friend.
He had counsel of his own choice, slaveholders

who defended him without reward, or the hone of
reward in this world. The jury of slaveholders

far above the influence of prejudice excited by the
course of the Abolitionists, when there was a poss
sibility that this boy, not eighteen years old, was
the dupe of some other person, acquitted him. Ele
was discharged, and treated as kindly in that com-
munity as one of our own people. -

And yet, these are the people whom the Alo.
litionists vilify, as being fond of manacles, chains—
as despots.

But 1 must hurry on. One word as to the
Wilmot proviso. I-shall not discuss the consti-
tutional question—the subject is worn out. It
would be as great an outrage to the southern
people to enact it, as if it were constitutional.
The southern people, with great unanimity, be-
lieve, as I do, that to enact the Wilmot proviso
would be ‘‘an act of gross injustice and wrong.”
And though, as a private citizen, and a member of
our State Legislature, I hgve opposed the sug-
gestion of a dissolution of the Union, should it be
adopted, yet 1 believe the people of my State will
feel called upon, if it is enacted in any law this
session, to consult in a State convention, if it is
not time to*inquire whether our northern brethren
intend to regard us as equals, or to treat us with
unkindness? Whatever North Carolina does, [
shall abide by. She will not, without great cause
of complaint, be driven to think of disunion. [
believe the minds of a large majority of both
parties there, regard; with horror, the thought of
disunion; but if your legislation here impresses
upen the mind of her people that you are ua-
friendly to us, she will, without bluster or threats,
provide for her honor and security in such mauner
as the world will justify. I will not believe you
will enact the Wilmot proviso—there is no ne-
cessity for it. 1 have too good an opinion of our
northern members to believe. it. All admit that
new States, after they are admitted, can either tol-
erate or prohibit slavery. Then there is no prac-
tical question at issue. The northern States are
stronger than the southern—but [ hope they will
remember, though itis ‘* excellent to have a giant's
strength, it is tyrannous to use it as a giant.’? And
tyrannous legislation must produce sectional ani-
mosities. ?

While on this subject, I wish to say a few words
to my colleague (Mr. Cursaman] upon the consti-
tutional question. I wish [ had time to read at
length some extracts from his speech; but 1 have
not—lI will print them.

From Mr. Curneman’s speech, December 22,
1847, on the slavery question, [Appendix to Con-
gressional Globe, 30th Congress, Ist session:]

« [am now brought, Mr. Chairman, to the direct consid-
eration of the great question, as to the extent of the powers
and duties of Congress in relation to slavery in the territo-
ries of the United States. Upon this subject, a distinguished
politician from the South, [Mr. Catnocn,] in the other
wing of this building, some twelve months since, laid down
certa'n doctrines which are, in substance, as near as Tecan
remember them, these: The territories of the United States,
being the common property of the Union, are held by Coae
gress in trust for the use and benefit of all the States and
their citizens. Secondly, that Congress has no right to ex-
clude, by law, any citizens of the United States froin going
into any part of said lerritories, and carrying with Uiem and
holding any such property as they are allowed tobold in the
States from which they come. This view, titouch perhaps
plausible at the first glanee, ia really the most shallow and
su 1 that could possibly be presented. Admitting the
first general proposition to be true, (and no fair mind can
question it,) that the territories of the United States are held
by Congress in trust for the use and benefit of all the States
and their citizens, Lam free to contess, that if Congress
should see that it was most advantageous to allow all the
citizens to occupy the territory in counmon with the prop-
erty, itdoubticss onght soto provide. Butitis equally clear
that if, on the other hand, Congress should see that alt the
citizens of the United States could notthus advantngeonsl¥
occupy ail the territory in common, it might divide the sane
80 a8 to assign cerfain portious to particniar cla-ses oF per
eons.” * * ~ * Py e
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. ;

{March 6,

a eer mance Aa SE RE ee

 

3ilst Cone.....lst Sess.

 

 
 

 

 

Again:
*

“ Ail the power that can he exercised, belongs to Congress
aldue. Congress has power to make all needful rules and
reguiatisns, Bat the wants of all communities are, imlegal
contemplation, the sare. The wants of the territories may
be, and in fuct are, just as great as those of the States. It
seems ‘to me, then, Mr. Chairman, with due deference to
those who have given the subject greater consideration than
I] have been able to do, that Congress, in Jegis<titing for the
territories, is controlled only by the Constitution of the
United States. lt is equatiy true, however, that the people
of the several States are likewise coutrelied by this Consti-
tution, Whether, acting in convention, or tirouch their
ordinary legislative yoverniments, Ujey can do nothing con-
trary to it.

* Congress, then, has over the territory just euch porrers as 4 : J uM
| of professional pursnits, to examine that biil, I de- |

its legisliture would have after if becnme « Siete. Beth are
contrelied by the Constitution of the Uniuwd States, the
supreme law of the land.

« Co gresa can do nothing to exclude it from the terntory,
On the other hand, it is asserted, with equal confidence,

that for the same reason there is no power to establish the |,

- Institution. ;
nists, and I shall leave them to contend, not fearing thateither |

These two opposite views are worthy artage-

will ever obtain a victory over the other.”’
. * * * * * * *

“Ip, THEN, CONGRESS POSSESYFS GENERAL LEGISLATIVE
POWERS OVER THE TERRITORIES, AS [ CONTEND, iT Ls 1OLe
TO DENY THAT SLAVERY MAY ELTHER BE PERMITTED OR

FORBIDDEN TO EXIST THERE.”

’
In-another part of my colleague’s speech, he |
_ gives utterance to opinions rather contradictory to |
those just quoted. The inconsistency is glaring; |
n such a subject, to quote it |

bat it is fairer, upo
than to withhold i:

+ 6¢ § do not pretend that any section of the Union can in- |
that territory should be acquired for ber benefit. |

sist fairly

~~ We are doubtless all bound, in good faith, to adhere to the

~ Constitution and Union, with such boundaries as it had |
ties to it. But [do say, thay if the |

when we became t
Government should acquire territory, it takes it under the

Constitution, for the benefit of all; and adeeree that any |
- section, or its cilizens, shall be excluded from all such ter. |
. s¥itorv, would be as great a violation of the Constitution as

the Government could possibly commit.
tially this proposed exclusion of slavery from ull the territy-

» ries hereufter to be acquired.”

-

_ sword to another gentleman from Georgia, [Mr, |

If the author of this speech means anything, it |

must be this, that after territory is acquired, ** Con-
gress possesses general legislative powers,” and
slavery may either be permitted or forbidden to
exist there; but if Congress shall decree that
slavery shall be excluded ‘ from all the territories
hereafter to be acquired,” it will be ag great a vio-
lation as the Government could possibly commit!

Sir, I cannot understand how these views can

exist, in the same mind, at one and the same time. |
It looks as if one part of the speech was addressed |)
toa Whig Buncombe, and another part to a Dem- |!

ocratic Buncombe; one to the eastern Buncombe,
and the other to the western Buncombe.
. It reminds me of a verse I read somewhere in

my youth, made by one just beginning to write

verses—and his first should have been his Jast—
who described a fight on the water, and wrote:

“ The stranger and his crew then stormed the boat,
~ And all at once jumped in, and all at once jumped out.”

And further, upon the constitutional question,
my colleague argued, very properly, that there
could be no difficulty; for, speaking of the Mis-
souri compromise, he said:

“ There was, however, a settlement made at length, upan
terms which, though unequal to the South, were not al rari
ance with the spirit of the Constitution.”

My colleague is rded now, in some parts of
the Rectooen ia South Carolina—as ne sound
upon the slavery question. I have been denounced
as unsound, for entertaining precisely the same

‘Opinions as my colleague does.

And upon the general justice of the duty of the
General Government to protect slave property, I |
desire, in passing, to say, [ heard with pleasure |
the able and statesmanlike argument of the gen- |
tleman from Georgia, [Mr. Tvosis+,] made here a |
few daysago. It gives me more pleasure to add |
my feeble tribute of commendation to this speech— |
though | do not agree in all the gentleman said— |
because the gentleman’s opposition to his own |
friends, and his course in this House, before we
were organized, met with my decided tondemna-

tion.
And while this is in mind, I will beg to say one |

Sreruens.} |

Before we wey organized, that gentleman was |
understood to call down curses on all those who
would not stand up for their section. I made al-

”

 

As this Constitution is silent in|
relation to slavery, it has been urgued on the ene hand that,

Such is stl stan- i;

 

quent speeches with profit and with pleasure, and
| Thad anticipated the pleasure of doing my duty

 

who acted with him, [Messrs. Toomss, Hitusanp,
|, Mr. Calhoun'’s Southern Address, and did not

| When he, and the estimable and highly talented

| traitors, for voting to lay Clayton's. compromise
| bill on the table, f defended their course. And
without having had an opportunity, in the midst

;

'
:

fended their conduct at home, from my knowledge
of their character, and justified their not standing |
| up “ for a section.” According to Mr. Carnown’s |
platform of amending the Constitution, even the |
Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. Fouge,}awe have |
within a day or two heard, cannot stand up with
' Mr. C. for his section. Our worthy Speaker, in
that southern convention, could not stand up, ac- |
‘cording to the address, for ** hia section.”” He |
thought the doughfaces hed not had justice done |
| them—the address was against the whole North. |
| The author of that address, who endeavored to |
excite the public mind, only recommended to the
South “to be united;”? but has recently, by his |
ultraism, disunited them, and [ should be glad to |
| know which side the Nashville convention will |
take; and I should be glad to be informed why |
, those who censure others for not standing up for |
a section did not vote for a southern Speaker, |
when the contest was between a northern and |
southern Speaker. But | hope the gentleman from |
Georgia will come back, and let the whole country |
. have the aid of his abilities; and I express now |
_ the wish that was in my mind when the gentleman |
| inveked his curses—I hope * the accusing spirit |
| * blushed as he gave itin, ard the recording angel
| ‘dropped a tear upon the word, and blotted it out
'| § forever.”
' _ A single word to the gentleman from Florida,
) (Mr. Cazext,] who took part against his friends
, in the early part of the session. I hope, before he
, aids to bring about dissolution, he will see that his
' constituents can take care of the Indians at home,
without the aid of the General Government. |
| I desire to notice, very briefly, a few remarks
of my colleague’s speech delivered this session. |
There are some portions of my colleague’s remarics |
which | hope were uttered without due considera-
tion. He spoke ofa * collision as inevitable, and |
, the sooner it comes the better.’” What kind of col- |
: lision did he mean? He made statements of the
| ‘*exisling revenue system operating hardly on the
| South.” How? Does he mean the Democratic
|, Beitish tariff of 1846? And yet he says: * Look-
‘ing, therefore, at all these different elements, in
‘ greater increase of population, more wealth, and
‘leas poverty and crime, we have reason to regard
| our people as prosperous and happy.’ Then, I
|, ask, how does ihe existing revenue system operate
| hardly upon us? for my colleague says: ‘* Nor
' ‘ia it true we are poorer than the North, for the
| ‘slaveholding States are much richer, in propor-
| ‘ tion to their population, than the free.”

| I should be glad to know what facts has 4

‘
;

}

|| colleague discovered, to cause him to change his

| opinions on the tariff question. In his speech,

|| I think Ihave heard from Mr. Catuocn, and Mr. |

|, McDurrre; but in 1844, my colleague made a |
_ speectl, in which he avowed opinions that did him |

 

| here under his lead; and when he, and his friends i
|| What theory, except the South Carolina pa

|

_ and others,] in the southern caucus, voted aguinst i
: - i
| * stand up fora section,”’ | approved theirconduct. |

'
'

| gentlenan, my predecessor, [Mr Donneil,} and |
| six other southern gentlemen, were denounced as |

, delivered this session, he used some plirases that ||

en
Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanly.

Ho. or Reps,
| a en ear coe anes ome eee nd
|| Whig doctrine. My colleague took then ‘g

| ‘common sense, practical view of this question.
‘We have had theory and parade enough on it.”

 
  

| that the “existing revenue system operates hard y
| on the South?”
In 1844, vapen this speech was delivered, the
| tariff of 1842 was in operation. The tariff of 1846
is said, by its friends, to be “a free-trade tariff.’*
| L say it is a tariff for the benefit of English Jabor.
| How could Pe 4 colleague advocate the tariff of
| 1842, and think the existing system “ Operates
hardly on the South ?”’ ;
| How his opinions have changed since 1844,
' when he thus spoke of the tariff of 1842:
| © This favorable state of our finances has been produced
thus far, without any practic J injury having resulted to any
section of the country. Not only cofton, but all of our other
; uctions, command a better price than they did tefore the
passage of the tariff; while foreign articles which we import
consume are generally cheaper—I believe I might suy,
invarich!y so.”

» And upon this tariff, which is spoken of in some
| portion of the southern country as an “ aggression
on the South,’ [ wish 1 had time to read an
| extract from a speech of aa true-hearted a southern
| gentleman as breathes—from oy of spotless repu-
| tation, and whose high talents and character have
| shed honor on his country. “I will print some
| extracts from his speech.
| _ Extract from the speech of Mr. Berrien, of
| Georgia, April 9th, 1844—[Appendix to the Con-
gressional Givbe, 28th Congress, Ist Session:]

Mr. Berrien was referring to the charge that
the South was ‘‘oppressed.”” He said he was
‘“*speaking as a southern man,’ and he was dis-
puting the charge that there was suffering. He
, might have been accused of not ‘standing up for

his section;’’ but he argued as follows:
| © Itisa mere question of fact; and [ answer itby affirm-

ing—what [ presume ro one will deny—that there is a sen-
sible. obvious improvement in the condition of the couniry
since August, 1342. Whether it be because the tariff of that
year, or in spite of it, I repeat, is nota subject of my present
inguiry: Lam dealing with fact, nottheory; and these things
iI se to be undeniable, in the comparison between the two
finds.

Oe 1. The credit of the Government was prostrate, and it
| bas been redeemed. Its bills were protested. is treasury
| notes were below par. It soughta loan, and could not ob-
tain it, either here or in Enrope, but upon terms which were
humiliating to a great nation. It could not go into he market
and borrow money upon terms as favorable as would be ac-

 

;

 

 

corded to a responsible individual. Ail this has been chavged,
| tts stock is above par. The Government fas ainple means
to meetits current expenditures, and such is now its credi',
that it could command on loan any amount of mroney it
might require. j
| 2, The treasury was empty. It is now replenished, has
| an increasing income probably adequate to its wants, and the
| means, ifneed be, of adding to it.
“3, The commerce and uavigation of the country have
increased.
«4, Its agricultural condition has improved.
“5. There has been a marked improvement in the price of
our great staple.
6, A reduction of prices of almost all if not absolutely of
article of consumption.
“7. To crown the whole, every branch of industry has
| been stimuiated to increased activity, and confidence has

been restored. :
* * * * * *

«Mr. President: It is pressed upon us in this argument ©
that the act of 1842 imposes undue and peculiar burdens on
southern industry—on the planting interest of the South,
This, sir, is to me an awakening suggestion—the burden, it
it exists, operating alike on my constituents and myself, and
upon me, personally, to the whole extent of the*productive
property which I possess. A little refiection, however, re-

{ know that any tax which
| the Goverment can impose, in so far as it operates upon con-
| sumption, can ouly compel the southern planter to share in
| the burden which all consumers have to bear. Experience
| satisfies me, too, that this cannot be to the whole amount of
: duty, hut the foreign pri ducer must bear his proportion of it

 

| tieves me from apprehension.

 

 

lide peer Willi
|; produce all the reveriue necessary to the support of the Gov- || again, Lask, why could not sucha man as William
|, @rhment, economically administered, witnout the money || Gaston—why cannot our Grahams and More-

|| Stiving from tive.spiee Of tbe public Innds.” | heads—see this oppression ?

honor. ; || in the diminished r eapi
i i proiits of capital. I know that the price o
I have some quotations before me from that | southern produce has not ape ne were } tote 4
speech, which I will print. | F know, too, that the price of articles of southern conswnplion
y been diva d.??
Extract from Mr. Cuivexas’s speech, [from | Mee not risen, but have been sensibly disninishe

the J i ional Globe, 23:h Cong | IL shall surely not be blamed for an unwilling.
Pty scram pate ees eet i ness to believe that the existing system of revenue

[the Whigs) are in favor of such a tariif’as witt || Operates hardly om the South and JWést; and

He was opposed to a ‘horizontal tariif,” by 1 I shall never forget a speech [ heard from North
which, | suppose, he meant the compromise act | Carolina’s most distinguished son—Guston—in
of 1833, or the South Carolina tariff. In 1844, | the earlier part of my life. It was, I think, at an
my colleague advocated * incidental protection to || Union meeting, after North Carolina had been

| ‘our manufacturers and artisans, to sustain our | called the *¢ Rip Wan Winkle of the South,” be-

"own industr inst the o lations |
lowance for the gentleman’s excited feelings, but I | « ustry agains ppressive regulations

| heard the remark with pain. I had read his elo- || ¢ the hostile restrictions of foreign nations.” Good {| «the Rip Van Winkle of the South, than the Cata-

,, cause she would not nullify an act of Congress.

of others, and counteract, as far as practicable, || ‘* Better, far better,”’ said Mr. Gaston, ** be calied-

»

 

 

 
pein rig fais uae IPN PSA SS. Te oNa (Man - acy

 

 

 

1350.] APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE, 343
3tsr Cone.....lst Sess. Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanly. ~ Ho. or Reps,

 

 

| in from abroad. English eapitalists have filled Belgium with i] We have high southern authority for this. Mr

*} of the histori } i i : reer
ree? om, ee Captain Bobadil of \| factories. Why did thisoceur? Simply pevaure Bro rhe | Polk said, in his message in 1849:

*the poet—better sleep on forever, than wake to nin atel
< ; . rs 7 | were cheaper there, and taxes lower than in Eng “Wi ;

‘ weason or disuninn.”” fs ti hem into the southern country, || Whether Congress shall legislate or not, tha peorle of th
These words were from | same motives would bring the + || aequired territories, when assembled in ple to _-

the son of one : | si th the reasona assigned are much stronger in our | rare , ;
whose father's blood was shed |; since gy te alteady heen proved that we ean manufacture || State constitutions, will possess the sole and exclusive power
4 1} to determine for themselves, whether slavery shallor shult not

by the enemies of his co || case.
s ountry; they were from |) more cheuply than the North.” Gelermine for then
the heart and lips of a patriotic Christian gentle- i nieas Snes a gore r sO ” tlemen of the [| aut esse eirlimits. If Congress shall abstain from in-
i} What would the ** free-trade gen i} terfering with the question, the people of these territories will

man, who was long ho , ive St : : | 5 tof foo
’ z honored by my native State, i South say to that? Would not South Carolina be || te left freeto adjust it as they man think proper, when they

and whose memory is siill cherished by all he | apply for admissic S into |

ry : > apply jor a*mission, as States, into the Union, N ae
true-hearted sons. His mortal remains repose ! opt assed by that tariff law ? . ital.” Ene- ) of Congress could restrain the people Wanna en
| - But we are to have * English capital. S* || eign States of the Union, old or new, North or South, slave.

withi mn i : ‘ :

“ en Saye liners Eig 2c gochett land is too well satisfied with the tariff oe to |i holding or non-slavehniding, from determining Ue character
rey impose duties on eir own domestic institutions as they may deom wi

the country I represent. When I forget the ap- || lend us money to enable us es a ho forbade’|| 404 proper. Any and all the States 3 hie > oe Aight

gre these sentiments met with from that people, || “ other foreign countries.”” Eng — 1 w hae any || Congress cannot deprive them of it.” is right, and

shall forget them: and when I do that, m : ! our forefathers to manufacture—W wh tive y '| {In the Southern Address it is said :

tongue will cleave to my mouth, and m tight || man who induces an artisan to leave her shores— |) siayery is a domestic institution, ft belonss to th

biel ides tier Ghanine * ¥ , an y right | lend us capital! In 1844, my colleague had ** no || States—each for itself—to decide whether it shall he rasa

ming ‘ reliance on the sincerity of the British Govern- || lished or not; and if it be established, whether it sould

But my colleagrue complai f , : he »
: plains of the amount of + , he said: “ England, who had || be abolished or not. ‘

ie ae ry the North, and he says: || ; qeotohed asad in her West India islands, was Tbe Southern Address, also, in referring to the
Vorth Carolina, for example, is burdened to the || , seeking to interfere with the institutien in other |, Missouri question in 1819, censures those who ad-

* extent of not less than three millions, and : i “ i :
‘ : ’ yet does not || a not believe our people will be || vocate amendments, ** having for their obj
get back one hundred thousand dollags in any way || countries.” Ido , | «make it a condition of her admission, ag

‘ a i is idea. Saas “ag ‘ge
from the Government. The clear loss in a pecuni- i in love with this other acquisitions |, ‘ constitution should have a provision to prohibit

: ; e of the **

ery Point of view, on account of the action of the | , plete on ate eee after the next Presi- t ‘slavery.”? The address states:
vernment, may be set down at three millions i| ; Page ; nd aa ” “Those who objected to the amendments rested thei¢
dential e . opposition on the high ground of the right of seif-governmenr.

i}

‘annually. The i i pe ||

: southern States generally are in " .

*the aah conditign.” s mime! | [do not understand what this emer ae “4 | They claimed that a territory, having reached the period
: he does not meag that we are to enzaz £0 |’ when itis proper for it to form a constitution and govern.

Now, I cannot imagine how my colleague cal- war again, as was intimated in the Baltimore con- || ment for itself, becomes fully vested with all the rights of
3S

culates this three millions of burden. I fear itis, | 001): H hould an- |! self-government,” &c., &c.
: . . Hannegan—that we should an go ty je
sovte his own words, a “want of accurate knowledge | a ie and Cuba. I thought the defeat “3 The address argues further, that to assume that

* of all the facts renders it impossible to determine || General Cass had secured us from the dread o Congress had a right to require anything but that

‘
Precisely the effect which our revenue system pro- i uences. I advocated General '| the government must be republican, “ would be
r such horrid conseq und that he was || ‘ tantamount to the assumption of the right to make

: ’s election upon the gro ooiee at, 4 iat
I should be glad to see these “facts”? stated. I baie ‘“ foreign on Are we to forbid Mew ‘ its entire constitution and government.”
Suspect my co!league is as much mistaken in this | yfexico to become a free State, if she prefers it! I commend this address to those Democratic
calculation as he-is in th ber of fugitive slaves |: t befgre we consent to allow a || members who are talking of the ‘* California pro-
escaping fro gig og e number of 7~ vend.” How far are we stl oe Mee via? Must we have - Pp
~ ma ew counties in Wleryiane. free State to exist south Of 2 “ag Cr “ :

He Said, ** a few counties in Maryland had, within oameby man’s land that adjoins our own it , | believe, Mr. Chairman, if we reject the appli-
tdreg months, upon computation, lost one hun- There is but one other portion of my colleague’s | wor a of vais mia nee ee as a State, it

Ousan ,** ich I will advert: F | will be productive of the most calamitous conse-

d dollars’ worth remaks to whic liticians, of the highest quences. [t will raise a sectional feeling throughout

He ig :
J8 su ; th minent northern po’ ,
Caroling rely mistaken. A Senator from Sou “ Have oe _ greatest influence, whose names are well || this broad land that may neverbeallayed. [ can-

t {Mr. i “thirty thou- || positions an ; , declared that |! . sa
‘ x dollars? Me pie ireland eral from | knows to all eentertte yap Yk pope Aer States |, Not vote gions ive see for any reason I
‘the tucky annually ;” and he added, “The loss to aor cts, or ought to obstruct, the abolition of slavery have yet heard. O not see how any one can
‘the people of plese rer may be esti- || ty'co ——— the States 2”” ; “ai make her admission a ‘‘ test question,” who does
Rr age at two hundred pw Bees” dollars annu- My colleague is better aequainted with politi- || not wish to bring abouta dissolution of the Union.

ly.” Whose ncmnvotetion ia right? And my 1 oF 3 wea Lam; but I do not know any northern As a southern man, I want her admitied—the
rrileague maya De ‘rab adr’ 8 pel essibead | Se leat ae wi s avowed such an opinion. Even |} sooner a aang. advocated the election of our
M Usand Aolléce’ worth of slaces oath year.” | present ie gistrate, not merely as a

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

‘on did not go that far. Again
the Buffalo convention did not § Agree iit Whig, but as THE GREAT REPRESENTATIVE AND

4Y colle “ ties
in Ma heat makes the loss of a ‘few coun | he says: ‘ ded by free Stat ‘CHAMPION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF THE R
- a f we are surroun y free states, z I1GHT OF
3) 2nd,”” and the loss of the State of ode Hl sein amoner Oe aga would he “ that of Ireland ; and | 6 MAN TO SELF-GOVERNMENT.” I will not consent to

 

by .
oan Brea inks is the loss || «the condition of the Sou ! :
great as Mr. Burier thinks i ‘soon, by the destruction of the TEIN Of ee Moth. samend her—her people ans chentdicuecaah aire

 

 

Of the « 1 ‘
bers from ey enolding States,” and yet eee || lation, beeome that of St. Domingo —_— ie |) Citi There might be dan f HH
rom Jation, -~<* tant! yin their public citizens. 5 a gero our compe ing
Not eg eT Delaware, and Mary land, do |) ern ne pesnty: ~ Satis parpose to produce this very ‘her to form a government without our aid. She
But issolve the Union. ‘ speeche will, I trust, soon be oneofus. Ifno other south-

 

the complaint is, a small amount of money

ais éstate of things.” : er t! . ;
13 expended at the South. Whose fault is this? | I must deny this—my colleague 1s grea v 'ern man votes as I do, I will vote for the admis-

Sir . Mh a : es : .

Mr. : / Hom ‘nee [read his speech I have inquired, | sion of California. Dead or alive, (as an Irishman
Priation yma donc Te ae or miata ead to say, Thave been unable to learn, | said,) if I enn get her, f wil vote for her admis-

Prov . aS or one single no >|, sion, : ‘s

, pease ap Fear river. P pn ae pen nes” vet mirocious a sentiment. Icanhear || A single word upon the question of territorial
ars for oneni Ppropriation of fifty h ast of || of no such man. Surely such a wretch never con- | governments: [ see no plan better than that rec-

North Cantine Me en inlet, a oe bill Is . minated this place. ; é ommended by the President, and | shall cordially

this »Mr. Tyler pocket abn rd of but one man so wicked as to

; ort it.
> deco eeression? It was an outrage, and well- I never hea 0 Punt nigeaarbodeg su oo Se ha a Re
Coming a strict constructionist of the school | think without horror of insurrec rgn ‘

of 3 Van Buren Democrat || present a few questions, and conclude. Asa south-
1798 “and 1799. This is a work of inesti- || ern States, and he war former Senator.] man, I feel indignant at the instances of vio-

ma’ 7 jamin Ta -
hope iralue toa laa portion of my we . : i “— ipo ia omy so ng nt are of those who lated faith, and disregard of constitutional obliga-
Mine and to see it perfected. The A ol < smeaed the “insane and senseless cry of Union, |’ tions on the part of some of our northern States,
Will soon AS peg, ba s [Mr. Ovrtaw Rragghes Union » He was “disgusted” at It. This dis- || relative to fugitive slaves. But I believe, from al!
jecta iibemaie sppaegrony a xt t “es but {| eust is but two years old. Revi cning I can see and oon et will do us justice in
© Open a comm n not to dissolve the Un ad ii on December, 1847, thus spoke my colleague: || this respect. ut in.» Stenp ution of the Union to
Kb unication by which we can re 1d be vain, however, foruson either side to hope | remedy this evil? Will nota separation greatly

Y sleam in a few hours—to facilitate, «Ik = ity as we have hitherto enjoyed: It oe || increase it?
poole nce should he divided, enc || If the Union is dissolved, will Abolition socie-

Our intereo . : H
Vircins,  Utse,-and bind us together indissolubly. our national existe id beable |!
volume, and wou able ties be dead? Far fromit. . °

, ya ‘ mr 0 .
rsinia Politicians have opposed this work and | i must roll a diminished Such a separation would be
only to bear a lesser burden. Ue. a feet that aur way || What is to Lecome of all the property owned

the — of all pare agar inthe nea erg Bo - | by the United States? What of all the money in
eared if our first parents, when crime Dad Just De- |) 1, bands of the disbursing officers? Where will

 

w .
ill oppose it, Open this communication, and in

the eventof do *
mestic rebellion, we should speedily
have thousands of New Yovkere-with whom our

 

 

Intercourse i ‘ i a ‘ "
brought 5 now so frequent and so friendly— | gun,” Se., &C. US, a | all the office-holders go? here will be the voice
byeeit om the wings of stum, ready 10 804 | "ary handsomely in the S22 0 wade | of amen, ear in ay
Let not " 7 ; h ‘ea i We have acommunity Ot ak a We have, ton, ree- But independent of all Oi B ns of interest,
this 80 gentlemen complain of the Nort ‘| that noparty madness — to American feelings, are believe the people of the ominion are truly
re, When these internal-improvement || oljections of the pet jetions. of interest.” attached to the Union. They ought tobe. Her
— less, but ra- || sons have * ruled its destinies.” ‘They have had

Uestions arise, I will promise to bring ten—yeS, || stronger even nor sense
‘a full share of its honors and offices. Sir, I be-

twenty Whi > ither insane .
“enty—Whiss or Democrats from the North or | ‘This was neither ming a Repre-
W 'S ble, and well becoming P lieve there are office-holders enough, natives of

ine et any southern Democrat my colleague | tional, and sensi
sentative of the olf Nort fornia: This will be a |! Virginia, to whip any army of disunionists that
| ean be raised in the State. é

My coll : ‘pili | as to This w
_ Oveague when speaking of the gsibility A single wort ; roviso”’ one
. - we . | Tae * Cabos ae Why did not the southern Democracy, who

4 dissolution, said: test question.” cE] denounced. ||
Ince} ) Sani
f each || now talk of disunion, take care to provide in ths

 

 

“Subjecting the i from
he goods of the North toa duty, with those || centleman aya eople o
Linmsther foreign countries, would a once ewe poufe! || What ia it but declaring thet Tie Pott aesives? || Oregon bill, and other bills containing the Wi'-
cient a2 !? Our own manufactures. We have a'ready sufli- State shall have a right to deck - 3
®apital for the purpose ; but if needed, it would come |} v3 -
A ELEN aaa tt ese ete

pe ee

SLT LT ei ais Sapte

     
 

3lst Cons.....1st Sess.
ident, that |] A word or two now of the proposed Nashville
Mot provise, when Mr. Polk was Presic ent, that |; A word or two now o » prop
slavery should exist south of a certuin jine? No; | convention. I see no necessity of any such con-
it might haye disturbed the harmony of the party. vention. [ see creat reason, since the late demon-
Zachary Taylor is now President—that makes | stration of the Senator from South Carolina, {[Mr,
the difference. | Canoen,}] why that convention should not meet,
It, byany aggressions on the part of the North, | and ouzht nat to meet. He said, in the Southern
which I do not anticipate, this Union is to be dis | Addresza, * Be united.” Many of his own friends
solved, I tell gentlemen North Carolina will form | exnoat ge with him imhis proposition for amend-
no partofa Southern Confederacy, whose ruling ing the Constitution. No one knows what the
politicians entertain opinions like those avowed by | convention will or ecando. The Wilmot proviso
some of the southern Democracy on thia door. | will not pass; that is one “ test question.” There

 

We will build our great railroad, and before we | ia no Possibility a bill will be passed abolishing |

become hewers of wood and drawers of water for slavery in this District: that, with some, is an- |
Virginia and South Carolina, we will try—trust- | other ** test question,’” Then, as to fugitive slaves, |

ing in. Providence—to stand up, “ solitary and | let us see whether additional legislation will not
alone.”” They would soun involve us in war on || be granted this session; and that ought to bea
account of black sailors. North Carolina has not 11 ** teat question” for those States who have lost
been treated*hy these sisters with kindness or re- f fugitive slaves, Then, as to the admission of Cali-
spect. In 1842, South Carolina passed resolu-) fornia—ax to what is called, maliciously, the Ex-
tions, and sent them here, reflecting very unbe-} ecutive proviso—he who goes to the Nashville
comingly on North Carolina, and intimating that | Convention, to produce opposition to the Govern-
she was encouraging abolition, because her peopie | ment on this aecount, is no friend of his country,
voted against Mr. Van Buren! Time has proved and fs in favor of disunion, no matter what Con-
we were right. Virginia, but a few years SINCE, 1D || gress ware or refuses to do.

her levislatare upon some question relating to! Nashville, § should have thoucht, would have
itroad as 30 discourteous to North Carolina, been the last place selected for the meeting of such
vs ap tt for a proper, but dignified rebuke, from |) a convention, Near that city is the grave of An-
me tagtonaeatid Ceukens in his message to our | drew Jackson. [ differed in Opinion with this
Salen Fr ! celebrated man, ns to the propriety of some of hig

Besides, the general tone of the newspapers,

and sometimes public speeches of gentlemen of hichest admiration, by his patriotic firmness in i|

those States, prove that they regard our people as

would be regarded asan inferior. If Tennessee — ) wou! have been entitled go the lasting gratitude |

—will join us, | of hia countrymen.
nessee, our daughter—will join us, | of vi ;
pobre! enacts the worid in arms. “No dis- | When that convention meets, I suppose some |
we s

'

: :  Vhewine . ay Alben, a
solution could separate us; we should continue as | Democrnt will offer a resolution t stifyinge the re

rat ; iamese twins. ', snect of that body far his memory. What will |
closely ang paaibors ye a Southern Confed- | * a say of his administration as President ? What

ptanel Viegiaia and South Carolina, her fate | of that admirable message of January 16, 1833,
— em h sat the dwarf who went to war in | the last parnzraph of which eserves to be printed
beac vith the giant. In one engagement the | in jetters of gold ?

Baw are! St h sow his companion coming to, I think it would he an outrage upon the feelings
sags aryl pene the day. In the next, the | of the people of this country—an insult to the
his relief, they but his companion aided him, |, memory of General Jackson—to allow that conven-

dwarf lost an eye, bi But the giant appropri- | tion to mert in Nash veile, to consider the propriety
and they were victorious. . | Of dis ving the Unj f
ils, and the dwarf’s share was glory i of dissolving the Unian.« ‘ :
ated the spoils, of service with the giant. We) _I do not believe the peonle of Nashville will per-
tenors dwarfs in any contest; but our || mit it; and if that convention meets, and a propo- |
should not ape’ battle was over would be like | sition is made to consider even whether the Union
treatment after ty |} ought not to he dissolved, 1 hope the citizens of
that of oo siti in anewspaper that a plen | Nashville will drive every traitor of them into the
[have gait certain questions are not settled, || Cumberiand river,
has been made, organization, by resorting, if ne- || If any of the goed people of North Carolina
to break Wa siete ehioanl and pistols. I do ‘not |; have thought that it might be possibly proper for
meson Mays 1 hope itisaslander, A part of the | th .
believe it. ne story is, that one fifth of the | better of it, Ehave no doubt, after they read the
same sian shia Seca having a right to cal! the || recent extraordinary speech of a Senator from
members of this al egntitue todo so, and if that | South Carolina, [Mr. Carwoen.} In that speech,
yeas and ve ry to resort to violence. It may he tella us our governmentia “us absolute as that
lord otha vata r to defeat an attempt to force ‘of the Autocrat of Rurssta, and as despotic in its
sometimes be an et opportunity of debating it, | * tendency as any absolute Government that ever
7 SOF MMe ref rred to—calling yeas and nays, |) * existed.” And then he tells us, what no south-
in the manner refe ing to violence, and attempting [ern man has ever thousht of before, that in addi- |
&c.; but as to peg" Government by this means, |' tien to all that politicians, public meetings, and
arswp the whee ca man in his senses ever |! State Jegislatures have demanded, we must have,
e WRe Bat eee . iee such a wicked scheme were | to save the Union, an amendment of the Constitu-
dreamed of it. onl? topropose. There ere tion, “ which will ceatore wo the South, in sub-
on foot, I ceanegiel thirty-one members of this |‘ stance, the power she Ppossesse:!, of protecting
op papel of these is seventy-seven; two | ¢ herself’ before the equilibrium between the sece
House; onet ‘a dand fifty-four. Now, by the! ‘tions was destroyed by the action of this Gov- |
thirds, one hun ei can expela member. If, ¢ernment.’" Waa ever & proposition more pre. |
Covataiane pg our duty, all will be weil. A /posterous? [ have tried, since the speech was |
two thirds of ans rotects him, no matter what delivered, ta ascertain what this Proposed amend-
member’s ee am fray bearrested fora breach | mentis, and { cannot. Congress is to obey his}
he says here; nd should any member here resort | survestions, no matter what they are, to be com.
of the age ides purposes as are referred to in || municated in his own time! Sir, he asks impossi-
te wevianes weg 1 will soon find himself where | bilities; and [ am compelied to believe he asks
a saan tatee-is the penitentiary. | them becanse he knows they are impnssibilities,
yer “al ntlemen, who contemplate schemes —‘[ have heard. several! speeches here, containing |

Rg oom ts rend Barr’s trial. They may find ideas similar to some of those advanced in this |
poet al yf swat they may leurn that & \' speech; we have had little dribbling streams—the |
som “

 

 

 

may be guilty of treason, though be may not | spring from whence they sprung is now exposed

tactia com- || to view.
be-corporally present when the overt ac | Mr. Chairman, my honorable colleague before

mitted, eague mean that || me, {Mr. Venaste,] gave utterance to some opin-
Mr. ASHE. oe on F | iat (s his speech, i Fae I regret | have not twee
ealling the LY No; Ido that frequently myself; || to reply to, 1 think my colleague's words are
bapa . a er statement of an organized | stronger than he intended. He says: “The bit-
aed ‘Goktes Sc chesersineats by violence. ‘ ter waters of strife are about to be substituted for

 

| Causes of the Slavery Agitation—Mr. Stanly. : ee
ST

Measures, while he was President; but he won my || b
th

| putting dowa nullification in 1333. His services to |

inferior to theirs. No, sir; if we hada Southern | his country then threw into the shade, or rather I}

infertor let North Carolina go as “ Hagar in added briehtnees to, hia military renown; and if i

> rg may ” rather than in company where she he hail rendered no other service to his country, he |
’

Ge re,
collsiblegutneenhs of carta e en

‘ the refreshing streams of Patriotic affection.??

hope not. He wants no « waters of strife.” Iz
| 48 not in his nature to enjoy them.

| [have time only to refer to one part of my col-
|| lengue’s speech, [Mr. Venasue.} He says: “The
| ‘South has kept faith with the North in alt things
Hi ‘in which theecovenant bound them.” As far as
| North Carolina is the South, she has kept faith;
} but that is not so with all the South.

|@ I degree with my colleague that we have cause of
|| complaint against some of the northern States

|| who have done outrage to the Constitution, and

1 We have cause of complaint on account of their
i resolutions upon the subject of slavery. Butsome
|| of my colleague’s political associates forget that
| this Constitution was framed, not only to protect

|| southern property, but to encourage American la-
i bor North, as well as South. Have we had no

|| warfare against the protective tariff? Yes, for

| More than twenty years; and when the compro-

i

| mise bill in 1833 was passed, the home valuation —
| feature was inserted with the express purpose of

.

|| Slving protection to American manufactures, Yer
|| when the compromise expired, some of our south-

'

| ern politicians violently opposed ghe home-valua-

;
’

| tion feature, and talked of a dissolution of the
|| Union, if the protective policy was revived,

| Sir, { know better than my colleague, from my
eing on the sea-hoard, the losses our people have
| Sustained from fugitive slaves; and I believe the
compromise act, which was passed to gratify or to
save from trouble a portion of the South, sacrificed
| 88 many millions of dollars of northern Property

| as the whole South ever lost in thousands of dollars

| in fugitive slaves. But I will not dwell longer on
| my colleague’s speech. He is an amiable gentle.
| man—very com panionable—possessing no small
| literary acquirements. What Goldsmith said of _
| his friend Hickey, I think I can say of my col-
league, [Mr. Venasie :]
| “ He cherished his friend, and relished his bumper,
Yet one fault he had,and that was a thumper?’ —

not only that of being an attorney, but my col-
league is from one of the ¢ double F V’s”"—4 first

|| family of Virginia gentleman—a Strict construc-

tionist—republican—Democrat of the school of
** 798-99 ;” and to expect anything reasonable
| in polities, from such a quarter, is most unreason-
able. .
Mr. Chairman, I mustgonclude. I have spoken
| freely—tI think the times requireit. I have not in-
| tended to speak offensively to any gentleman in this
House; but I have spoken what I believe my duty
to my country demanded, and [ have spoken what

 

I have an abiding trust and confidence in the
Ruler of nations, that he will not suffer evil coun-
sels to prevail among vs. He, without whose
knowledge not a sparrow falleth to the ground,
will, I hope, preserve this country, that we shall

| continue to be an asylum to the oppressed of alt
lands. I believe that as hufdreds of years will
have passed by, and generation after generation
passed away, in the words of the great defender

of the Constitution, {Mr. Wessrer,] “ Liberty
_ and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable, **
will continue to be a sentiment dear to every true
American heart.

Yes, £ believe in a special Providence. Wash-
| ington was preserved through countless dangers,
| and in one battle had two horses shot under him,
| “ The Great Spririt,” as the Indian chief told him,
| preserved him from harm. :
| He was called on, in peace, to put down rebel-
| lion, and preserve the Union.
| Jackson, too, rendered great and important serv-

 

 

|| ices to his country in war, and, by his firmness in
| time of petice, crushed the spirit of disunion during

' his administration. And when we remember the
long and faithful service of the incorruptibly hon-
| ext man—of the patriot-soldier, now at the helm
| of state—when we remember how his life wag
spared, when in the midst of daogers—w hose con-
| duct has thrown a blaze of glory on the arms of his
country—who can doubt that he will perform his
| duty tothe Union—that “ whatever danzers may
threaten it,” he will “ stand by is and maintain it
‘in itsdmeegrity, to the full extent of the obligation
‘impose, and the power conferred upon him by
‘the Oomstitution?” His civil administration, 1

,

Fs
 

capers 7: SRR PN 2 NS nl puchein £0 20 CONGALSSIONAL GLOBE 34
3\}st Cona.....1st Sess. Admission of California—Mr. Thurston.

ae am NN ee
———————

    
 
 
 
 
   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
    

tmat, will be so glorious, that it will eclipse his
military renown. é

Let the storm of party roll on—let politicians ||
carry on their party manwuvres—the hearts of the }
gouchern peopleare right. They are watching our
deliberations, in the hope that our measures will

rove ‘salutary examples, not only to the pre-
‘gent, but to future times; and solemnly proclaim
‘that the Constitution and the laws are supreme,
cand the Union indissoluble.” They will. say
amen in response tome, when I say, God grant
the day may never come, when I shail behold a.
citizen of California, Maine, or Florida, and say
‘he is not my countryman.”

Mr. Chairman, when the gallant Ethan Allen
surprised Ticonderoga, and demanded of the com-
mander that he should surrender the fort, he asked
Allen, ‘* By what authority?” “1 demand it,”’ re-
plied Allen, ‘in the name of the great Jehovah,
and of the Continental Congress!”

Invoking the protection of the great Jehovah,
for our whole country, in the name of the people
of North Carolina, | say this Union cannot be,
shall not be, destroyed. Those whom God hath
joined together, no man, or sect of men, can put

asunder.

 

ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA.

SPEECH OF MR. S. R. THURSTON, }
OF OREGON,

Iw tHe House or Representatives,
March 25, 1850,

In Committee of the Whole on the state of the
. Union, on the President’s Message transmitting
the Constitution of California. ;

Mr. THURSTON said:
Mr. Cuarnman : [have come here as the delegate
fcom the Territory of Oregon. I have the honor
of being the first recognized Representative from
the Pacific coast, and am at this time the only one i
accredited from that country on this floor. I come
from the toil-worn people of that distant Territory,
to speak and act in all cases, as { believe they
would do, were they here, acting in my stead. |
come here, sir, not as a party man, though I be-
‘Jong to a party; and not as a sectional man, though
I belong to asection. Though by the law, { may
be entitled to all the rights, save one, to which a
Representative from a ap is entitled, yet, as a
matter of courtesy to the niembers of the House, if
not of ease to myself, I shall refrain from all de-
bate, except on such questions as my territory is
immediately interested in; and on such I shall en-
deavor to confine myself to the question. On such
uestions, I have no doubt, the members of this
ngress, whether sitting as a House, or as a |)
committee, will be disposed to grant me the privi-

of speaking, and do me the honor to listen

while I speak.
. ‘The question of the admission of California into

this Union as a State, is one in which, for several
reasons, my Territory is deeply interested. Cali-
fornia and Oregon are twin sisters. They are allied
together, by cords so strong, by feelings so similar,
and by occupations so widely different—and for
that reason more important to each other—that you
|
{

|
|

 

cannot even jostle the one, without the other’s teel-
ing the motion. When you raise the knife over
one, the other expects to bleed. When adversity

Withers the foliage of the one, the leaves of

Other wither; and when you insult and abuse the
one, the fire of indignation flashes across the coun-
tenance of the other. And, indeed, so closely are
We allied, and so dependent the one on the other,

 

and so symputhetic are we, that the pulsations of
the heart of the one send the very life-blood into
the extremities of the other; and [ must confess,
that [ involuntarily partake so fully of this gpicit,
that not a few times in this House, and in the
Other end of the Capitol, I have had my best feel-
ings deeply wounded, as | have heard California
and her people siandered, aud perfectly over-
whelmed with hard words, because they have
dared to make use of one of the first laws of na-
ture, protect themselves—because they have dared to
construct for themselves a State constitution, and
have knocked at your door for admission. For this,
are called ‘‘ usurpers,"’ * fugitives from jus- |

. tiee,”’ “ Sandwich Islanders,”” “oe Indians,’’ “ ne-

|
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