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TREATY.

Which was made with the Indians and translated from the English. It is hereby made known to all and sundry that in October 1711, it was agreed as follows between Baron, Count von Graffenried, Governor of the German Colony in North Carolina, and the Indians of the Tuscarora Nation with their neighbors of Core, Wilkinsons Point, King Taylor, those of Pamtego, and others of the region.

1. That both parties shall forget the past and henceforth be good friends.

2. The subscribed Governor of the German colonies, in times when the English and the Indians are in strife, enmity, and war against each other, shall be entirely neutral; in like manner he shall remain quietly in his house and city, allowing neither English nor Indians to pass there, nor do any Indian injury. They promise the same toward our people. In case strife occurs between the parties named, they shall not get justice for themselves, but shall make their accusation at the proper place; namely with the authorities of both sides.

3. The above named Governor of the German colony promises to stay within his boundaries and to take no more territory, up toward them, without the consent of the king and nation.

4. He promises further, to procure a truce of arms for four days, in order that within this time able persons may be chosen and commissioned to propose salutary plans of peace, which, as far as possible, would have to be acceptable and pleasing to the parties in strife.

5. It shall be allowed to the Indians to hunt where they wish without any hinderance, except in case they come so close to our plantation that the cattle would be driven away or injured or danger of fire might be feared.

6. To them, the Indians, wares and provisions shall - be allowed to come at a reasonable and cheap price. Further it is agreed, that where the marks written below shall be on the doors of our houses, hat there no injury or damage shall be done. So shall, herewith,

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the conditions and clauses be exactly observed. As a genuine voucher of which we on both sides, subscribe ourselves and there is affixed the ordinary signs.

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Mandate of the Governor of Virginia, translated out of the English original.

Alexander Spotswood, Governor, Regent, and Commandant of the Colonies and Provinces of Virginia, in the name of Her Royal Majesty of Great Britain, to the Indian Nation which holds Baron von Graffenried prisoner.

Having heard that Baron Von Graffenried, Governor, and the head of the German Colony in North Carolina is captive among you, I request and command you, in the name of the Queen of Great Britain of whom he is a subject, that on receipt of this you let him go free and send him to our government.

And here you are given to know that if you should have it in mind to kill or willfully inflict any injury upon him, I will revenge his blood, and will spare neither men, women, nor children.

Given under my great seal, the 7th of October, 1711.

A. Spotswood.

Carolina, Newburn, May 6, 1711 Gentlemen

I send you once more a copy in answer to the letter of August 23, sent to me and F. Michel, received here April 11th., for fear that my previous one had gone lost, to indicate what before this was written to the old Schultheiss von Graffenried, as I had cause enough, to the effect that such great enterprises must be strongly supported. It is impossible to succeed with so little. It would have been better to let it rest than to put one's self into danger and to so expose one's reputation and honor and lose all credit. Or if I could have foreseen all that I know, I should have taken entirely different measures. Timid business men seldom make great fortunes, and if Messrs. Ritter and Von Graffenried stay out of it; if I cannot help; others will probably be found in place of them. If it were not out of consideration for H. J. Ritter, and those who before this advanced money to one F. Michel and assisted him, we could have associated ourselves with a rich Englishman. But he wanted to be alone with us. Thus

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there are here only a few good men who are of a mind to stay in, but only in the trade. Since they have land enough for the present, we are not served with this, for these great debts must be paid. Fr. Michael, indeed, when in Pennsylvania, told me he would there find enough associates. But I doubt it. Sad experience teaches me not to trust too firmly. It is better to make a more certain play.

I wonder through whom the 100? sterling shall be paid at New Castle, because Mr. Wray gives me no notice of it.

You tell us that we in Carolina should try to do something on credit. Enough has already been done. Indeed we had to use all our credit to get the necessaries of life and stock for a year, if we did not want to die of hunger with the whole colony; for ill-fortune will have it that we found the government at our arrival in the greatest confusion because of the death of the Governor. When I wished to bring the Receiver-General to keep that which the Lords Proprietors had promised he resigned. Since the Lieutenant Governor, and Colonel Cary will accept neither the new Governor Hyde nor any of the Lords Proprietors' new officers, I have not found the slightest assistance upon the side of the Lords Proprietors and of the government. If an honorable well-to-do man, Colonel Pollock, and another, had not assisted us, we should have been compelled, as said before, to die of hunger. So I was compelled to get everything from him and others upon notes, and these provisions had to be for a year long, that is, until the coming December; for the neighboring islands which are in great want of food buy the corn before it is ripe in the field. So then this business needs a good heart, good friends, and good credit; and if I had not been a land-grave so that I could sit in the Court and Upper House of Parliament, which give me authority and credit, we should have had to die.

Thus you see Gentlemen, in passing, that the jealousy in regard to these titles of honor, which indeed bring in nothing, is not well founded; but rather this position of honor procures the colony advantage and benefit. It might be objected that it causes great expenses and ceremony. For this reason I have not even a livery coat in the procession. I live as poorly as the least private individual, as you can well hear from others.

Regarding the mines; It is true that you are under obligation to Fr. Michel for looking for and discovering them. But if I had not been present at the first negotiation nothing would have come of it, and Mr. Penn would do and conclude nothing, unless it were signed by me.

Regarding my difficulties and pains, there is much to be said about them. Speaking of recompence, even if I can be recompenced for the

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danger to my life, unspeakable cares, and affronts which have already come to me because of the lack of needed assistance, and if I were, on account of the protestation of my notes to expect it, there is, in truth, none big enough and none good enough for me. I should do better to claim none. The best recompense would be to pull me forthwith out of this difficult labyrinth; it will be to your advantage and my own.

Since you announce that probably all of you will come to this country, I am glad. I could wish that you had been here from the beginning, and were here still. Then you could see whether everything goes so easily, and with so little to do with. You would also have been compelled to take your share in this great complaint, toil, anxiety, and vexation, instead of all this resting upon me.

To make a day-book of occurrences will not be entirely a pastime because until now little of anything pleasant, but many vexations have occurred.

A journal or table of the expenses of the past is hardly to be made so very exactly, especially where Fr. Michael has acted. But in the future more regularity will be observed.

If you should not come so very soon, it will be well to send here a young honest burgher who understands book-keeping. The English are entirely too expensive. They ask 50? sterling a year. As far as the others are concerned, whether they are tenants or artisans, we will wait until the general peace is made, but there is need of a pastor and a book-keeper. They could come this next autumn, that is, in October or November, with the Virginia Fleet. Care must be taken to conclude and negotiate everything there, for when they get here they immediately become puffed up, want to be masters themselves. But if I would give high wages I could not get a man- or woman-servant into my service. Tenants and servants must be hired at Bern, as also all sorts of artisans. Here is the answer to all the articles of the letter.

Now I will report upon the condition of affairs here, upon the situation and productiveness of the land, in a few words; deferring the rest till my vexed and disturbed mind is in a quieter frame. And so I send to you only a map made in haste and quite plain. The situation of the city could not be finer, more cheerful, and convenient. So also the whole colony touches upon it; and all the settlements lie side by side, and all lie along the water in such a way that at one pace one can come up from the sea and on the other back into it again and go only six or eight. miles by land. I do not believe that there has been a finer colony planted in the world, that is regarding the situation. It continues thus as far as the River Clarendon or

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Cape Fear. It is certain that in a few years, under the blessing of God, this colony will greatly increase. The land is excellent and good; corn, rice, hemp, flax, turnips, beets, beans, peas, all sorts of garden produce, and tree-fruits grow well. I know of few in our country that one cannot have here. Wild grapes are very abundant and yield especially well. I do not doubt that one could make them tame and plant others, just as has been commenced already.

In the way of drink, even if one does not yet have wine, they generally make a very pleasant, healthful, and cheap beer of molasses, which is a juice of sugar, and sassafras, a little dried wheat, corn, or only cherries. Others make beer of figs, quinces, mulberries, a kind of red medlar, and other things beside.

Wild game and fish are all in abundance. All sorts of good meat can be gotten by the way of the sea. Small cattle increases, costs nothing to keep winter or summer; so that if one has only a little to invest, he can, in a few years, own many hundreds, and the trade in them gees well.

The general trade is exceedingly good, but everything goes by barter. Of money there is none at hand, except in the South Island and the lands which the Spaniards and Dutch possess. But in these countries one receives it for wares. The wares which are disposed of there are indigo, certain spices, sugar, rum, molasses, (both of these made from sugar afford us a delicious brandy), rice, hides, and skins. Tanners of furs are much needed for the skins of the wild and tame animals, feathers and down. N. B. Upon these rivers are swans, geese, and ducks by the millions. Wild turkeys are in great numbers.

Regarding the climate; it is tolerably good and healthy, not so exceedingly warm as supposed. June, July, and August are hot, yet there blows occasionally a cool wind. The rest of the time of the year is tolerably temperate. In the beginning one must pay the tribute of a fever.

Regarding the Indians, they are not to be feared if one makes a league with them, which we have already solemnly done. At first they were hostile to us because they were incited to it by jealous traders, but everything is now quiet.

The government is well appointed, but the good ordinances and laws are badly executed. Everything, as I said, at my coming was in great confusion, to my great harm. But it is now better; only the revenues to which I had claims are gone because the Lieutenant Governor Cary wanted to assume the whole government. But he, whom I had put into jail through the new governor and council, broke

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out of his confinement and has become a fugitive. Before this he sold everything and took the proceeds with him. This man with two more has made such a rebellion that I had to come to the aid of the government with our people. For this cause I repeat that I was in great extremity from the failure in the execution of good ordinances and laws; for because of the situation, on account of its being in a new land, it would have been all topsy-turvy if I had proceeded differently, since I had to give the Royal Committee security for 5000? sterling on account of these people. If in the beginning when I saw that everything was failing, I had left these poor people in the lurch and had retired elsewhere, or had let them die of hunger, I should have lost the five thousand pounds and should have been hanged without mercy; and where would my conscience have been as I did it? Could I do differently than I did? It is still a great thing that in a wild country, where, strange to say, I have no friends or acquaintances, I have so much credit that I have received everything which was really necessary. Now it is a question of how to work myself out of this labyrinth that I may not come to disgrace, and we all be compelled to lose together; for I am fearful of being arrested because of the protestation of the notes, and Colonel Pollock, as the strictest creditor, could take possession of everything, a procedure which would do us all irreparable damage and cause the greatest disgrace and destroy the whole country, for they would certainly run away from it.

So I find no better means than to look for eight more associates at the least, if possible more, at 300? each to be paid in, or four or more at 600? each. If we wanted to do something in trade we should double our money, but this might be postponed for a good while. But these notes must be paid directly, cost whatever it will. So it seems to me on this point, that one more experiment would be good; that is, if the Company would go to my father, speak to him about an obligation and the investment of the whole amount from his money which he has in the bank in London, 2000?. There will still remain to him a considerable portion, and this would not discommode him at all. But if this trial is not successful, I should know nothing better than to call upon my Lords, giving them the same security. N. B. This is to be remarked along with it, that these are not lost debts, which have been squandered and are not to be gotten back, but at the end of three years all will be replaced with profits. The especial account I will make this summer; this time only in general.

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ACCOUNT.

1. For Indian or Turkish Corn for feeding the colony and for sowing, 6000 measures p. two shillings make. . . . . . . . 600?

2. Wheat, 400 measures, p. 4 shillings. . . . 80?

3. Salt, 200 measures, p. 10 dit. . . . . . . . . . 100?

4. Fresh meat and salted for . . . . . . . . . . . . 250?

5. Carriage of all these and other things. . 100?

6. The shallop or brigantine which in my absence Fr. Michel bought, since I would not dare to venture so much. . 200?

7. To build a store or proprietor's house. . 60?

8. Grist and saw mill . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70?

9. Our lodging which was at the same time a provision house . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70?

10. Stock, ten cows and as many calves, 30?, ten swine 10?, four horses, since two were for the tenants, 30?, eight sheep, 6?, four more cows for my household, 12?. Sum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88?

11. Furnished swine 2 p. family . . . . . . . . . . 160?

12. Food for 150 head p. 3?. . . .. . . . . . . . . . 450?

Summa Summarum . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 2228?

N. B. The brigantine had to be purchased because of a great necessity, since transportation is excessively dear and hard to get. Only a small journey, with six hundred measures of corn and some small things, costs 20? to transport. Have saved already half in the transportation. It is a good thing to use in trade, and without it, it is impossible to live here. It is now on a voyage to the South Islands to get salt, molasses, corn, sugar, and other things. The proprietor's house is also necessary. It served first as the provision house, for we must have shelters and a place to store the provisions. Besides, there was this reason; it was in part on account of travellers and in part to use as a place to bring food to. All came there and caused such expense that in the long run it could not be endured. For in this country there are no inns. Everything is free. When I did not wish to give, they demanded, and one could not let people who had come twenty, fifty, to a hundred miles, go with hungry bellies. So I am now easy on this score; but provision must be made, but yet it will bring in a pretty income.

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Grist and saw-mills are also necessary. We were, as it were, forced to it, for the people could not grind their corn. The saw-mill will bring in a considerable amount when it is well in operation. They saw ever thing, in England as well as here, by hand. Planks are incredibly dear. For one plank I will, at a saw mill, get 6, yes indeed, 10. An Englishman has offered me for the yearly revenue of the sawmill, fifty pound sterling; but if the city progresses as it appears probable that it will do, it is worth 100? yearly.

House-keeping is hard. It would not be possible as they, Ritter and Isot, thought at London, to live individually and to have one common expense. They were ill-informed. The plantations had first to be made. Lodgings were very poor and constructed in haste, so that one could also work his ground and have something to eat from it and not be compelled to get food at great expense; otherwise what good would the land do the people? Land has been taken up for each one in particular. I have not taken up any for myself yet, but in the future provision will be made for everything.

Moreover there are still a good many things to get besides trade and income. This is a new place, only five years ago still wild and not inhabited. The people have enough to do with their plantations. They have not the time to invent things and get the good of them.

The city will increase rapidly. Almost every day there come people who want a lot, that is an arable field on which to build a house and cultivate a garden and an orchard. The Governor and the most prominent people of the country already have each their lot. A lot is to yield an English crown yearly. For you gentlemen, we have already reserved a fine section, and in the healthiest locality. But what am I saying here. It is all fine and good.

The sad and unfortunate message which arrived from London spoils all. The notes are protested, my honor, credit, and reputation gone, and the colony suffers in the highest degree. Colonel Pollock, who promised to supply me with cattle, has let my people come back empty handed. I now have enough for this whole year. I shall try accordingly to supply the most seriously needed things, in order that the complaint may not be too great. The people have no cows, and this occasions great loss; there is so much murmuring that soon I shall not be sure of my life; they have threatened to send a letter to the Royal Committee. In such a desperate condition what is to be done? My property, my honor gone; nothing but the greatest vexation, insult, disgrace, and scorn, to be expected; the shortest way out would be to withdraw into some island or into the mountains, or even go over into Canada to the French. Meantime the colony would disappear,

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Pollock would put himself into possession of it, so that everything would be gone, and everything which had hitherto been done with great labor and expense would be in vain.

Yet it pains me to leave such a beautiful place where there is such fine prospect of good conditions.

Right with this bad tidings came bad news also from London relating to Virginia and Maryland about the Tobacco trade. Everything is destroyed there, because from other places tobacco is brought more cheaply. And so these poor Virginians, who had all their capital in the planting of tobacco, are completely ruined. Because now, Carolina is the only province in English America where cattle can winter without expense or labor, so all are coming there like a wave. The land increases in value so that I can well assure you that what one can do now with 10?, in five years he cannot do with 100?.

Gentlemen, you will indeed consider well this fine profit which is to be made on the 100,000 acres of land that you still have, and whatever else there is; likewise the loss of the costs already incurred, which the nation and the company has had before, and the fine future returns and profits of other things. So I doubt not you will do all possible to avert such a great loss, and to embrace these splendid advantages; and so much the more, because everything is now in its place, no more great expenses, except those which will bring in fifty per cent or more. From now on the revenue begins.

Fourteen days ago Mr. Botschi sailed away. I sent him expressly to recruit people, for he went gladly and offered himself, so that you might hear the whole account of the matter by word of mouth from him, as one personally present and an eye witness.

I will continue to be patient; indeed, if I can avoid arrest until answer to Mr. Botschi's report comes. I can just about calculate when it can be. But if the goods mentioned do (not) come then, I shall certainly be driven to great extremity and afterwards it will be too late to remedy it. Oh if you only knew and could believe a little of what there is to do here you would not leave me in the lurch so, but you would raise as much as you possibly can to pull me out of this labyrinth and to advance this colonization business vigorously.

Because we have received no house-hold utensils nor wares from London we were glad to use Captain Zechender's things. It will therefore be necessary to satisfy him for it, and if he is still resolved to come here, to advise him of this, so that he can supply himself accordingly.

Fr. Michel has taken with him the firearms of all except two. Therefore provision is to be made in Holland, but none with brass plates.

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I would have much still to write on various matters but the multitude of occupations, my vexed and confused mind do not permit me to at this time. If you, gentlemen, shall have pulled me out of this labyrinth by speedily sending the notes to me, there will be a more detailed account or else I will send no more at all, for all depends upon this. If nothing is effected everything will go backwards, and God knows what will become of me.

I commend you to the protection of the Almighty and remain, Gentlemen,

Your most obedient servant, von Graffenried.

P. S. After I had been very despondent following the writing of this letter, and had been going over things in my mind, not knowing what to do further in this so vexatious and critical position, I remembered certain Psalms which fitted my condition very well, with ardent prayer taking my refuge in the Lord Jesus, the true helper and Redeemer, and encouraged myself a little by an effort. Two days afterwards there came something which comforted me a little, and I cannot pass on without telling it. Yet I will tell only the substance, since it would be a whole tale in fact, and this letter is already long enough without that.

There came up to me from the sea a little old Englishman, to sell me oysters. He inquired for Fr. Michel, but since he was not present any more and understanding that we were good friends he wanted to show me something that probably would be acceptable to me. He said he had, sometime ago, traveled with Fr. Michel and the Governor of Virginia, to look for mines; but he knew of a better and richer one, and in that connection, he could tell me all the circumstances of Fr. Michel's trip. It agreed well with what I already knew very well. Although before this I had entirely discounted Squire Michel's affairs, I saw by this there were nevertheless realities. Now according to this report I have some hope. May the Most High, who through his inexpressible kindness has created so many things for the good of man, give his blessing to it, and give to us the grace not to misuse his benefits, but to praise him for all.

This mine which the little man indicated to me is a gold mine in Virginia, while Fr. Michel's is a silver mine in Pennsylvania; and this gold mine is said by report to be eight days out from here, while the other is more than fourteen days from Philadelphia. At the discovery of this nearer and better mine Fr. Michel was not present, but Governor Nicholson of Virginia was. In the matter of the gold, the Governor would let neither him nor any one else know and also

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forbade him to tell anyone of it. In the meantime the Governor looked about for a man expert in such things. He found one also, who, on test, found it very rich. They were already making arrangements to put it into operation, but soon after, the mining master or chemist died. Some time after this a disturbance rose in Virginia, the Governor was called to New England to take the government of the same, and he is actually at this time in a notable expedition against the French in Canada, has also taken Fort Royal, and so this mine has disappeared with him and this mining operation is suspended.

This little man gave me in addition, this report that one of those who was with him, one named Clark, a sort of goldsmith, a godless man who had robbed another man of his wife and had gone up into the mountains with her, had found gold in this place, had coined pieces of money out of it. He feared he would be discovered if he sold the lumps of gold. Finally his money got so common and some difference was found in it so that it came to light, and he was hanged as a counterfeiter. Fr. Michel's servant who is with me now waiting for his master's return, saw this Clark hanged.

The mine referred to is not more than twenty or thirty miles from the land which the Queen gave us. This in secret; we could take a piece of land further up, and so we could also take possession of the mine, reserving of course the Queen's share for her. I considered it advisable to interest the present Governor in this in order that he might help us. I was on the point of taking the little old man and two miners that I have here, immediately with me, and we should have gone up into the mountains in order to get a good view of it, and at the same time to see a notable curiosity. Not far from this place is said to be a stone table forty feet long and ten feet wide, upon four well-hewn and carved feet; upon it something written which these people cannot read. Not far from that there are still fragments of a wall and a broken intrenchment. But this is not the time because on account of the thickness of the bushes, one cannot see the snakes. It will be done the coming autumn, if God gives me health and life, and also if better news arrives from Bern so that I can breathe a little.

N. B. Regarding these amounts and some more debts still, of Fr. Michel's not paid at London, and something in wares which we took at London with your consent; it will likewise be necessary to still send us something, at least 300? worth of goods, for it is impossible to live here without them. Because there is no money here everything is done with goods. And so there must be altogether a sum of 3000? raised. That is a great deal in our country, but it all comes in afterwards with great profit.

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Whatever in the future is subscribed or made over in monies you will not send to Danson and Wray, for they are false to us. A malicious Berner, let him be who he will, has written to London very badly about us. Besides this we have seen only after coming here, that their affairs are not at the best. Danson as one of the proprietors, to be sure, keeps a good appearance . . . to give commission,1 but it could be done through my father's correspondent who is a good man. From him the writing could be in French, and the affairs would remain secret. This Danson and Wray have opened up my letters which Mr . . . . . . . . . wrote to me in the name of the society, which had a very bad effect here in Carolina for everything was written to persons here.

N. B. I do not believe that Mr. Botschi will come back, and if he came back I could not use him in the business, because he does not understand bookkeeping at all. For many good reasons it is necessary that some one of you come, but not without money or notes, and that speedily; for if I should die everything would go badly.

The voyage is not so troublesome and dangerous especially in time of peace, as one imagines: We had the best of weather and on the whole voyage out from London only one small storm; that is, if one sails around Scotland and starts away in May. The map of the city and colony was sent in the previous letter and Mr. Botschi is bringing one also.

N. B. If notes are made out one can find the bills of exchange with Mr. Wray at London. Thomas the barber and surgeon wishes to finish out only his two years here. It will, therefore, be well to send a good surgeon. He can make as much here as he wishes too. Mr. Botschi has taken one of the small pistols with him. It will be well to send the same by the book-keeper again; it is too bad to spoil the pair.

1 It is impossible to conjecture what the writer was trying to say, as the passage is defective, several words having become illegible in the original MS V.H.T.